Labrador: its discovery, exploration, and development

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LABRADOR :

ITS DISCOVERY, EXPLORATION,

AND DEVELOPMENT.

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LABRADOR :

ITS DISCOVERY, EXPLORATION,
AND DEVELOPMENT.

BY

W. G. GOSLING.

NEW YORK

JOHN LANE COMPANY

MCMXI

MAS 20 1911

<5

TO

MY WIFE

PREFACE

THIS history of Labrador, begun at the instigation
of Dr. Grenfell, has far outgrown the original
design, I had long been collecting books relating to
the history of Newfoundland, and fondly imagined that
I had the material at hand from which I could com-
pile a few chapters that would contain all that was
known about Labrador. I soon found that it was a
much more serious affair, and that Labrador had quite
an extended history, the greater part of which had not
been touched upon by any writer.

By the courtesy of Sir Francis S. Hopwood, Under-
Secretary for State for the Colonies, I have been ac-
corded particular facilities for obtaining information
from the Record Office; the Canadian Archivist, Mr.
Alfred Doughty, has kindly furnished me with copies
of documents from their most valuable collection of
records ; Mr. H. P. Biggar has given me the benefit
of his advice as to where to search for information
I required, and Mr. N. E. Dionne, of Quebec, and
Dr. S. E. Dawson, Ottawa, have courteously replied
to my queries. To these gentlemen I tender my sin-
cere thanks.

For all matters relating to the discovery and early
exploration of Labrador, I must express myself greatly
indebted to the works of M. Henri Harrisse, who is
facile princeps in that line of study.

viii PREFACE

My design has been to preserve the knowledge of
the incidents which took place in the past, and which
are likely to have some value in the development of the
country in the future. That may tend to the protection
and amelioration of the native races of Indians and
Eskimos, to the betterment of the comparatively few
white settlers, to the development and conservation of
its marvellous fisheries, the framing of proper laws for
the governance of the thousands of Newfoundland,
Canadian, and American fishermen who frequent its
coasts, to excite an interest in this neglected country,
and to assist Dr. Grenfell, who has been working for
these same ends for the past sixteen years with a single-
minded devotion which excludes all other interests.

As was to be supposed, there is no consecutive history
of Labrador, and the chapters have resolved themselves
into dissertations on subjects often very slightly con-
nected one with another. At other times they will be
found to overlap and to contain a certain amount
of repetition, which has been unavoidable in the method
I have been compelled to follow, and which, I hope,
may be forgiven.

Although this volume far exceeds the size originally
intended, a good deal of matter has been omitted. It
will be found that I have included very little either
of a descriptive or scientific nature, my reason being
that Dr. Grenfell intends shortly to bring out a book
dealing exhaustively with these subjects.

But I trust, however, that the story of the past here

related may prove not altogether without interest and

value.

W. G. GOSLING.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I PAGE

The Norsemen's Visits to the Coast of Labrador. i

CHAPTER II
The Cabots. 1497 . . . . . .19

CHAPTER III
Voyages to the New Lands, i 500-1 534 . . .33

CHAPTER IV
The Derivation of the name "Labrador" . , 52

CHAPTER V
Cartographical Evolution of Labrador . -56

CHAPTER VI
Jacques C artier . . . . . -73

CHAPTER VII

English Voyages to America in the Sixteenth
Century ....... 93

CHAPTER VIII

The Search for the North-west Passage and Con-
sequent Visits to Labrador— The Hudson Bay
Company . . . . . . .118

X CONTENTS

CHAPTER IX PAGE

The French on Labrador, 1700-1763 . . -131

CHAPTER X

The Eskimos . . . . . . • iSS

CHAPTER XI
The English Occupation . . . . .171

CHAPTER XII
Captain George Cartwright .... 222

CHAPTER XIII
The Moravian Brethren . . . . ,251

CHAPTER XIV
The Moravian Brethren {co7iti?nied) . . ,278

CHAPTER XV
Americans on the Labrador . . . .317

CHAPTER XVI
The British Fisheries on Labrador . . . 379

CHAPTER XVII
Boundary Dispute with Canada . . .432

CHAPTER XVIII
Dr. Wilfred Grenfell, C.M.G. .... 454

Appendix . . , . . . -475

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Remarkable Iceberg, showing Corrugations caused by

Continual Streams of Water flowing down it F'piece.

FACING PAGE

10

Hakluyt's Voyages

Brest

Glacial Erosion in Labrador, near the Horsechops

Fishing Schooners on the Labrador Coast

Cantino Map. 1502

King Map

Kunstman No. II

Kunstman No. Ill

Carta Marina, 15 16

Wolfenbuttel B. circa 1530

Desliens Map, 1546

Molyneux Map, from 1598 Edition of "

French Mat, about 1700

Old Fort Ridge, near the Ancient

Admiral Sir Hugh Palliser .

York Fort

Captain Cook

Battle Harbour, Labrador .

Moravian Mission House, Nain

Moravian Mission Station, Hopedale

Moravian Mission Station, Okak

Moravian Mission Station, Hebron

Iceberg ....

Moravian Mission Station, Killinek

A Large Bekg near Indian Harbour

Indian Harbour ....

52
54
S8
60
62
64
66
68
96
132
166

174
190
198
246
266
270
274

304

306

354
382
414

Xll

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Venison Tickle .

A Haul of Codfish

River St. Lawrence, 1829

Dr. Wilfred Grenfkll, C.M.G.

Dr. Grenfell and Secretary trying

Dr. Grenfell and Patients on Deci

Battle Harbour Hospital

SS. "Strathcona" at Work .

"Petb" Lindsay .

Red Bay Co-operative .

A Group of Orphan Children

Orphanage

Lapps Milking Deer

A P'isHiNG Dispute
OF " Strathcona '

PAGE
420

424

440

454
458
458
464
464
468
468
470
472
472

LABRADOR

ITS DISCOVERY, EXPLORATION
AND DEVELOPMENT

CHAPTER I

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT TO THE COAST
OF LABRADOR

THE story of the Norse voyages to the American
continent has received the alternate support and
ridicule of students. The first ardent believer in the
legend was Rafin, who published his monumental work,
Antiqiiates Anieidcance in 1837. He was followed by a
number of writers, who, by trying to prove too much,
brought the whole story into contempt. Governor
Benedict Arnold's windmill was transformed by their
imagination into a Norse tower, and the Indian picture-
writing found at Dighton, Mass., into a runic in-
scription.

Bancroft in his History of the United States, and
Justin Winsor in his History of America, concur in the
opinion that the Norse voyages were mere fables upon
which no reliance could be placed.

But lately, as a result of continual research, the
pendulum of belief has swung strongly to the affirma-

B

2 LABRADOR

tive, and a perusal of the latest and most learned work
on the subject, The Discoveries of the Norsemen in
America, by Professor Joseph Fischer, 1903, must
convince the most sceptical that the Norsemen did
visit Labrador, Newfoundland, and perhaps some more
southern coasts.

In order to appreciate fully these Norse legends it is
necessary to relate, as briefly as possible, the history of
the early settlement of Greenland, from which place
the voyagers to America set forth.

About the year 986, Eric the Red, a prominent man
in the Norse colony of Iceland, was banished for having
slain in a feud the two sons of a powerful karl.

It had been previously reported that land had been
seen far to the west of Iceland, so he sailed away in
search of it, and discovered Greenland. There he
decided to settle, and called the place Greenland,
because he said "men would be the more readily
persuaded there if the land had a good name."
Whether it was a result of this judicious choice of a
name or not, two considerable colonies arose, one called
the eastern and the other the western settlement, both,
however, being on the west side of Greenland. It has
been estimated, from the ruins which are still extant
and from the authentic histories which remain, that
probably they contained about five thousand inhabi-
tants in their most flourishing days.

Christianity was introduced about the year 1000, and
the first bishop recorded to have visited there was Eric
in the year 1 121. Of him the Amiales Regii of Iceland
makes the following brief mention : " A.D. 1 121, Bishop
Eric of Greenland went in search of Vinland."

Apparently he never returned, for the colonists soon
after petitioned to have a bishop appointed who should

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT 3

reside in the colony; and accordingly in the year 1125
a Bishop's See was created at Gardar, the first occupant
being Bishop Arnold. In the three hundred years
which elapsed before the abandonment of the colony,
the names are recorded of no less than seventeen
bishops, many of whom visited Rome, notably Jon,
about the year 1204, and John Ericson Scalle in 1356,
and again in 1369.

The colony was a dependency of the Crown of
Norway, and supported itself by cattle breeding, seal
hunting, and fishing. It is even said that they were
able to export considerable quantities of cattle, butter,
and cheese, and that they contributed a handsome sum
annually to Peter's Pence.

A sturdy and independent existence was maintained
until about the middle of the fourteenth century, when
evil days fell upon them. The Pestilence, known as
the Black Death, reached even to these remote regions
and greatly reduced the population. About the same
time also the savage Eskimos first made their appear-
ance from northern Greenland and persistently attacked
them.

As there was no vi^ood for ship building, the Green-
landers had become more and more dependent upon
the parent land of Norway for their communication
with the rest of the world. Norway was also full
of trouble. Pestilence, and wars foreign and civil,
occupied its attention, and the distant colony was
more and more neglected and finally abandoned to
its fate.

It is not known when or how the final tragedy
occurred. The last ship to go to Greenland was the
Knor in 1406, which returned in 141 o. There
seems, however, to have been later news, for in a

4 LABRADOR

letter written by Pope Nicholas V, in 1448, we read :
" It is not difficult to understand how our mind was
filled with bitterness by the tearful lamentations which
reached our ears from our beloved children the natives
and other inhabitants of Greenland," but no indication
is given of how the news came. Again, Pope
Alexander VI, in the early days of his pontificate,
1492- 1 503, wrote: " We have learned that no vessel has
touched there during the past eighty years." He ap-
pointed one, Matthias, to be Bishop of Gardar, but
history does not state whether he ever reached his
episcopate. In the early part of the sixteenth century
an attempt was made by the Archbishop of Drontheim
to search for the lost colony, and in 1579, Frederick
II of Norway sent out an expedition for that purpose,
but it did not succeed in reaching the island. The first
European to visit Greenland after this hiatus in its
history was John Davis in 1585, but there was then no
trace of the previous settlers.

History has few more tragic stories than that of the
abandoned Christian colony in Greenland. One can
picture the sufferings which must have been endured,
the hope of succour continually deferred, and the despair
of the last survivors.

Crantz, the historian of Greenland, thinks that the
last of the Norse colonists were probably absorbed by
the Eskimos, as some words of their language seem
to have a Norse origin, especially the word " Kona,"
woman — a significant fact. The Eskimo themselves,
however, have a clear tradition of having completely
exterminated the hated Kablunaet (foreigners, sons of
dogs).

It is easy to understand how the deeds of the Green-
landers in their early days and the memory of their

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT 5

discoveries would have gradually faded into oblivion.
But the records remained.

The story of the Norse voyages to America is de-
rived from the following sources : Adam of Bremen,
who wrote in the year 1067; Ari, the historian of
Iceland, 1067-1148 ; a twelfth-century geographer, sup-
posed to be Abbot Nicholas of Thingyre, who died in
the year 1159 ; and many Icelandic sagas, the principal
of which are the saga of Eric the Red, written between
the years 1310-20, and the saga known as the Flatey
Book, about the year 1380.

Adam of Bremen, a learned German monk, was
appointed canon of the cathedral of that city about
the year 1067. He became greatly interested in the
work of the Church in the northern countries, and was
at much pains to write its history. His book is called
A History of the Deeds of the Bishops of Hamburg, the
fourth part of which is entitled A Description of the
Islands of the North. In order to obtain particulars
of these northern countries, Adam made a visit to
King Sven of Denmark, " in whose head was graven
as on a tablet the whole history of the barbarians "
(that is to say, the Norsemen). As there was con-
tinual communication between Greenland, Iceland, and
Denmark, it is quite possible that King Sven may have
obtained his information from one of the voyagers
themselves.

Adam says : " Moreover, he (King Sven) speaks of
an island in that ocean, discovered by many, which is
called Vinland, for the reason that vines grow there
which yield the best of wine. Moreover, that grain
unsown grows there abundantly is not a fabulous fancy,
but, from the accounts of the Danes, we know to be a
fact."

6 LABRADOR

Unfortunately Adam caused a doubt to be cast on
the truth of the whole story by the following addition :
" Beyond this island there is said to be no habitable
land in that ocean, but all those regions beyond are
filled with unsupportable ice and boundless gloom."
He also thought Greenland was so called from the
colour of the skin of the inhabitants. In spite of its
incongruities, Adam's history is particularly valuable,
being the first written mention of Vinland, derived from
contemporary sources and entirely independent of the
Icelandic sagas.

Ari the Wise, " the earliest and most trustworthy of
all the Icelandic historians," gives a detailed account of
the settlement of Greenland. He is careful to give his
authority, and tells how he obtained the story from an
uncle who in turn received it from a companion of
Eric the Red. Ari does not relate the story of the
discovery of Vinland, but speaks of it as a country
which was well known to all.

The MS. geography of the twelfth century is valuable
corroborative evidence of that period. It simply states :
" Helluland lies to the South of Greenland, then comes
Markland, and a little way on Vinland the Good, which
is said to be joined to Africa," with some particulars of
the discovery of the latter by Leif the Lucky.

The above references are very slight, but they show a
continual tradition and are independent one of the
other, and, added to the testimony of the sagas, remove
the story of the Norse voyages to America from the
realms of romance to that of settled history.

The value of the Icelandic sagas as history has been
very much debated. They are the written form of
traditions which had been handed down from father to
son through generations, and are a curious compound

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT 7

of myth, history, and genealogical details of the families
whose deeds are recorded.

The accounts of the voyages to Vinland differ con-
siderably in each saga, but all agree in the main
features. The saga of Eric the Red is generally con-
sidered more authentic than that of the Flat Island
book, and from it the following short narrative is chiefly
compiled.

About the year 999, Leif the Lucky, son of Eric the
Red, the discoverer of Greenland, went to Norway,
where he was converted to Christianity. The following
year he set out with the intention of returning to
Greenland, charged by Olaf, King of Norway, with the
mission of introducing Christianity into that distant
island. He was driven out of his course by storms and
came to a land where vines and corn grew wild. Mak-
ing his way from thence in a north-easterly direction, he
finally arrived at Greenland. His story naturally
aroused great interest, and the next spring his brother
Thorstein set out to explore the newly-found country.
But " they were long tossed about upon the ocean and
could not lay the course they wished. They came in
sight of Iceland, and likewise saw birds from the Irish
coast." They finally got back to Greenland worn out
by toil and exposure.

Thorstein died the following winter, under circum-
stances full of miraculous detail, and his widow
Gudrid, who plays a prominent part in the Vinland
voyages, married Thorfinn Karlsefni, an Icelandic
trader of considerable means and of well-known lineage.

Vinland continued to be much talked about, and
Karlsefni, urged by his wife and new relations, at
length determined on a voyage of exploration. He
started out from the western settlement with two

8 LABRADOR

ships and i6o men, commanding one ship himself and
his friend Bjorne the other. His wife Gudrid also
accompanied him.

They bore away to the southward, and after several
days discovered land. " They launched a boat and ex-
plored the land, and found there large flat stones
(hellur), and many of these were twelve ells wide.
There v/ere many Arctic foxes. They gave a name
to the country and called it Helluland " (the land of flat
stones).

Another account is as follows : " They sailed up to
the land and cast anchor, and launched a boat and
went ashore and saw no grass there ; great ice moun-
tains lay inland back from the sea, and it was as a flat
rock all the way from the sea to the mountains, and the
country seemed to them entirely void of any good
qualities."

They set sail again with a northerly wind, and after
two days came to a land, " and upon it was a great
wood and many wild beasts, and the land where the
wood was they called Markland" (forest-land). Setting
forth once more, " they sailed by a bleak coast having
long and sandy shores, and they called the strands
Wonderstrands, because they were so long to sail by."
Finally they reached Vinland, where they spent several
winters. Karlsefni had intended to make a permanent
settlement in the newly discovered country which
possessed so many advantages over Greenland, but a
change in his plans was caused by the appearance of
the natives, whom they called Skraelings. The low
stature and facial characteristics of this race, and their
skin canoes, each holding one man, prove beyond
reasonable doubt that they were Eskimos, a race
which the Norsemen had not at that time met in

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT 9

Greenland, and who were not known there until after
the time the saga of Eric the Red was written. The
attacks made upon the Norsemen by this savage people
caused Karlsefni to abandon his enterprise, and he
returned to Greenland in 1006, with his wife Gudrid
and their son Snorri, who had been born during the
stay in Vinland.

It is not necessary for the purposes of this history
to enter upon any discussion as to the location of
Vinland, but the resemblance of " Helluland " and
" Markland " to Labrador and Newfoundland is too
exact in its general character to leave any doubt upon
the mind that they at least were visited by the
Norsemen.

It is naturally impossible to offer anything more
than a surmise as to the actual places visited. Almost
any part of the coast of Newfoundland answers to the
description of Markland, but it seems particularly
applicable to Notre Dame Bay. Lying open to the
north-east, it would be the probable landfall of vessels
coasting from that direction. There are numbers of
islands in the bay clothed with woods to the water's
edge, a circumstance which caused Corte Real to call
it Terre Verde, has earned for it the sub-title of
" Green Bay," and very likely suggested the appropriate
name " Markland " to the Norsemen.

Several of the physical features noted in the Norse
tales are to be found in Labrador, Wonderstrands
would appear to have been met with to the south of
Markland, but the sagas differ somewhat on this point,
and it is possible that the long stretch of sandy coast
on the Labrador known as Porcupine Strand may have
been the place visited.

Dr. Packard, in his Labrador, thus describes it : " The

T LABRADOR

exceptional area observed lies between Sandwich Bay
and Hamilton Inlet, Cape Porcupine being the centre.
It is protected from the northern swell of the ocean by-
Indian Harbor, islands and promontory. Here large
deposits of sand are seen covering many square miles
in area." This stretch of coast is nearly fifty miles
long. The shores of Sandwich Bay are also sandy and
the water is very shallow. Several good sized rivers
empty into it, which are famous for salmon.

Another explanation of " Wonderstrand " may be
found in the " Report of an Official Visit to the Coast of
Labrador" by His Excellency Sir Wm. MacGregor,
Governor of Newfoundland, in August, 1905. He says:
" On looking at the coast of Labrador from some
distance at sea in the neighbourhood of Chateau Bay,
one would think from the long greyish white line of the
beach that there was a fine sandy shore all along it.
But this appearance is produced only by the sea-washed
foot of the worn rounded eozoic cliffs and rocks that
on this coast present to the ocean a solid wall of stone,
a continuous and enduring breakwater of bare rock,
which in its sinuous course is thousands of miles long."

It has been seen that Helluland was thus named
either from the quantity of " broad flat stones " or
because of the flat table-land which lay between the
shore and the mountains, both of which are character-
istic of Labrador,

The following description is taken from Dr. Packard's
Labrador, and is accompanied by the striking photograph
here produced : —

" The adjoining illustration brings out clearly some
of the characteristic features of the scenery of the
coast of Labrador. In the foreground the rocky shore
of the Horsechops, as the deep fiord is called which

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT ii

is situated far up on the eastern coast of Labrador,
has been ground down, smoothed and polished by the
great mass of land ice which formerly filled Hamilton
Bay, Across the fiord, the shores of the bay rise
abruptly in great rocky terraces — also a characteristic
feature of Labrador."

It would be hard to imagine a locality more likely
to give rise to the name of " Helluland " than that here
depicted ; but curiously enough, Dr. Packard, who is
quite convinced that Helluland is Labrador, does not
seem to have noticed how appropriately his description
and photograph illustrate the name given to the country
by the Norsemen.

Horsechops, here mentioned, is at the southern
terminus of the sandy stretch of coast already referred
to, known as Porcupine Strand. We have thus close
together two of the most important physical features
recorded by the Norsemen.

Helluland seemed to these early discoverers " to be
entirely devoid of good qualities " — an opinion which
found an echo five hundred years later when it was
visited by Europeans. On the Spanish map drawn by
Ribero in 1529, to delineate the respective portions of
Spain and Portugal in the New World, we read : —

" Labrador was discovered by the English ; there is
nothing in it of any value."

Wherever else they went, we feel sure that the Norse-
men undoubtedly visited Labrador.

While studying the annual reports of the Moravian
Brethren, which have been published regularly since
the founding of their mission on the Labrador, I found
references to remains of houses on the islands border-
ing the coast about Nain. It was stated that these

12 LABRADOR

houses had been built of stone not after the fashion of the
Eskimos. Brother Lundberg writes in 183 1 as follows: —

" The fact of the Greenlanders having once inhabited
Labrador appears to be proved by the occasional dis-
covery of the ruins of Greenland houses upon the
islands which stretch along our coast. In the construc-
tion of these houses stone has been used, which is
contrary to the Eskimo mode of building."

The writer concluded from this that the Greenland
Eskimos at one time inhabited Labrador, evidently not
being aware that the Eskimos migrated from Labrador
to Greenland, not from Greenland to Labrador. The
Brethren, Kohlmeister and Kmock, who travelled from
Okak to Ungava Bay in the year 181 1, record finding
ruins of Greenland houses on Amitok Island, lat. 59° 30".
They say : —

" The Eskimos have a tradition that the Greenlanders
came originally from Canada and settled on the out-
most islands of this coast, but never penetrated into
the country before they were driven eastward to Green-
land. This report gains some credit from the state in
which the above-mentioned ruins are found. They
consist of remains of walls and graves, with a low
stone enclosure round the tomb, covered with a slab of
the same material. They have been discovered on
islands near Nain, and though sparingly, all along the
eastern coast, but we saw none in Ungava Bay."

Dr. Rink, in his Tales and Traditions of the Eskimos,
gives the following interesting tradition as told by one
of them : —

" Our ancestors and the tunneks or tunnit (in Green-
landish tornit, plural of tunek) in days of yore lived

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT 13

together ; but the tunneks fled from fear of our people,
who used to drill holes in their foreheads while yet
alive. With this view they moved from here to the
north, crossing over to Killinek (Cape Chidley).
While dwelling among us they had sealskins with the
blubber attached for bed robes. Their clothes were
made in the same way. Their weapons were formed of
slate and hornstone, and their drills of crystal. They
were strong and formidable, especially one of them,
called by the name of Jauranat, from which is formed
javianarpok (Greenlandish, navianarpok). Huge blocks
of stone are still to be seen which they were able to
move. Some ruins of their houses are also to be found
here and there in our country, chiefly upon the islands,
having been built of stones, and differing from the
abodes of our people. One of our ancestors when
kayaking had a tunnek for his companion, who had a
bird spear, the points of which were made of walrus-
tooth."

Dr. Rink comments upon this tradition as follows : —

" This tradition is compiled from several manuscripts
in German from the missionaries in Labrador, in which
the alien nation, expelled by the present inhabitants, are
called partly 'Die Tunnit,' and partly 'Die Gronlaender.'
Very probably these denominations have arisen from a
misunderstanding, induced by enquiries put to the
natives as to their knowing anything about the Green-
landers. The tunnit are certainly almost identical with
the tornit or inlanders of the Greenland tales. The
Eskimo of Cumberland Inlet speak about the ' tunud-
lermiut,' which signifies people living in the inland.
The present Indians of Labrador are called by the
Eskimo of the same country ' aullak,' but it is possible

14 LABRADOR

they distinguish between these and the traditional or
fabulous inlanders. However, the most striking incon-
gruity is that of the tunnit having had their abodes on
the islands, which looks as if ancient settlers of Euro-
pean race are hinted at. Be this as it may, the
tradition of the Labradoreans should be more closely
examined."

In order to find out as much as possible about
this matter, the historical importance of which will
be at once realized, I wrote to Bishop Martin, the
present head of the Moravian Missions on Labrador,
asking if he could supply any further particulars
about these ruins, and received the following inter-
esting reply : " Several times I have heard about ruins
of old dwelling places upon some islands along our
coast, but have never yet seen one of them. Whether
these ruins are really the ruins of old Greenland houses,
as is stated in the report of Brother Lundberg, or not,
will be difficult to decide. Once I showed Baron Nor-
denskiold's book on Greenland to our Eskimo. When they
saw the pictures of the old Norse houses there, they
told me at once that some ruins on the islands here are
very much the same as those given in that book. Since
that time I have often thought that the Labrador ruins
might be the ruins of old Norse houses also. That
would not be unimaginable, for the old Norsemen are
said to have travelled south to Weinland."

A subject for investigation is here opened up which
will hardly be exceeded in interest by any other anthro-
pological problem to be found in America,

The Eskimos in Greenland and other places in the
far north build their houses largely with stones, but if
the evidence of the Moravian Brethren is of value, these
ruins are not like the stone huts of the Greenlanders.

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT 15

In addition to the fact that the Eskimos disclaim their
authorship, the description of these old burial places,
" with a low stone enclosure round the tomb " (evidently
to protect the dead from prowling beasts), would be
ample evidence that they are not Eskimos, for it was
not the custom of this race to show any respect for the
dead, and their mode of burial was hardly worthy of
the name.

What then was this vanished race, and is it possible
that these ruins are of Norse origin ?

In that most interesting book just published. The
North- West Passage, by Captain Roald Amundsen,
relating the final accomplishment of this voyage by the
little Gjoa, there is a description of stone ruins at Boothia
Felix, near the Magnetic Pole, about which the Eskimos
of the region have a similar tradition to that current on
Labrador. If the ruins are identical in these two far
separated localities,^ it is evident that they cannot be
ascribed to the Norsemen. For however high an
opinion one may have of these hardy adventurers, one
cannot attribute to them the power to navigate the
Arctic seas so far to the westward as Boothia Felix.

Yet it is a remarkable coincidence to find a tradition
among the Labrador Eskimos confirming so extra-
ordinarily the story of the Norse voyagers.

The traditions of the Greenland Eskimos, relating
to the Norsemen, date from the early part of the
fifteenth century only, yet are very fragmentary and
mingled with fabulous details. Any memories of the
Norsemen lingering among the Labrador Eskimos
probably date from the eleventh or twelfth centuries,

^ Upon my request for further information about these ruins, Capt.
Amundsen has very kindly written to say that no photographs or drawings
were made of them, and that they were mere gravel pits.

1 6 LABRADOR

and it can hardly be expected therefore that anything
more that the bare outline of the story would remain
after such a lapse of time.

Such as it is, the tradition clearly points to the fact
that a foreign race, of powerful physique, having cus-
toms and weapons different from those of the Eskimos,
at one time lived upon the Labrador, the ruins of whose
houses still remain ; that they were attacked by the
Eskimos and driven away northward.

It is hard to imagine why the Norsemen should have
left Greenland to settle on Labrador, They did not
depend for their livelihood on fishing or seal hunting,
but occupied themselves principally in cattle raising.
Also the Greenland waters abounded in seals and fish
almost to as great an extent as did those of Labrador,

But it may well be that the same adventurous
spirit which carried them across the northern ocean
to Iceland and Greenland impelled them farther to
Labrador, and would have found them permanently
occupying the American seaboard had they not en-
countered the savage hordes of Eskimos and been forced
to retreat.

The question of the locality of Vinland seems to
depend largely upon the identity of the Skraelings, In
order to support the theory which has been advanced
in favour of Maine and other southern situations, it
has been argued that in the term Skraelings were
included the Beothuks of Newfoundland and other
southern Indian tribes, as well as the Eskimos. But
it seems to me that every attribute of the savages en-
countered by the Norsemen is characteristic of the
Eskimos only. Several have been already referred to,
but the following point of resemblance has not to my
knowledge been noted hitherto.

THE NORSEMEN'S VISIT 17

The first encounter of the Norsemen with the Skral-
ings is thus described in the saga of Eric the Red : —
" They saw a great number of skin canoes, and staves
were brandished from their boats with a noise Hke
flails, and they were revolved in the same direction in
which the sun moves."

Farther on it says : —

" A great multitude of Skraeling boats were dis-
covered approaching from the south, and all their staves
were waved in a direction contrary to the course of
the sun."

It is evident that this is an attempt to describe the
motion of the double-bladed paddle used by the
Eskimos ; and it will be seen that an Eskimo, sitting
in his kajak, facing the direction towards which he
is paddling, when going east or north, will appear to
wave his paddle contrary to the motion of the sun in
the heavens, but with it when travelling west or south.
In the first instance, therefore, they made their appear-
ance from the north, and in the second instance from
the south. The action of an Eskimo paddling is
entirely different from that of a North American Indian,
who cannot in any sense be said to wave his single-
bladed paddle in the air.

Some writers, finding it impossible to dissociate the
Skraelings from the Eskimos, have suggested that at
one time the Eskimos were to be found all along the
American seaboard. This theory is more untenable
than the other. The whole Eskimo economy was de-
pendent upon the seal. It formed not only their chief
food, but also supplied them with clothes, boats, tents,
etc., and we can be absolutely certain that the habitat of
the Eskimos has been bounded by that of the seal for

i8 LABRADOR

many ages, and therefore has not had a range farther
south than the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

Inasmuch as there is no mention of the Eskimos in
the voyages of Jacques Cartier, and other early navi-
gators through the Straits of Belle Isle, I am of
opinion that they did not frequent that locality until
the latter part of the sixteenth century, and that it was
the desire to obtain European goods, boats, and iron
implements which first drew them so far south. While it
is impossible to associate the Skralings with a southern
country, it is equally impossible to harmonize Labrador
with the description of Vinland, and the discussion is
therefore brought to an impasse.

The speculation is most interesting, but one can only
say with Dr. Rink that it is deserving of further in-
vestigation.

Note. — Dr. Grenfell informs me that he, this summer,
visited some curious erections of obvious antiquity, built
of flat slabs of stone, on the summit of lofty cliffs. He
thought they were look-out places, but could not say by
whom built. It adds considerably to the interest in
this speculation that similar look-out places are to be
found among the Norse ruins in Greenland, where they
are thought to have been used to keep watch for attacks
from the Eskimos.

CHAPTER II
THE CABOTS. 1497

EARLY five hundred years elapsed after the
voyages of the Norsemen before Labrador was
again visited by Europeans. But the memory of Green-
land had not faded away entirely, and it is probable
that the tradition of the discovery of Helluland, Mark-
land, and Vinland had filtered down through the ages
and formed in part the basis for the many legends of
fabulous islands lying far out in the Atlantic.

From the early part of the fifteenth century Iceland
had been visited regularly by English fishermen,^ prin-
cipally from the east coast, but also from Bristol, so
that the story of Greenland and other distant islands
in the West was probably quite familiar to them.

But it was from Italy that the bold spirits were to
come who were to lead the Western European nations
across the Atlantic. The first to propose the possi-
bility of reaching China by sailing westward was

^ In the quaint poem entitled, The Englysh Policy to Keep the Seas,
written in 1437, the Enghsh trade to Iceland is thus referred to : —

" Of Iseland to write is little nede
Save of Stocke Fish. Yet forsooth in deed
Out of Bristowe and costes many one
Men have practised by nedle and stone
Thiderwardes within a little while
Within twelve year, and without perill
Gon and come, as men were wont of old
Of Scarborough unto the costes cold."

19

io LABRADOR

ToscanelH, an Italian physician, and it is from him that
Columbus is supposed to have taken his inspiration.
As John Cabot was living in Venice at the same period,
it is probable that he also heard the theory propounded.
And when he emigrated to Bristol about 1490, and
learned of the Iceland voyages continually made by
English seamen, conceived the idea of himself putting
the theory to the test. We are told on good authority
that for seven years prior to the year of the discovery,
tentative voyages into the Western Ocean had been
made by Bristol men at his instigation. The success
of Columbus no doubt impelled him to more deter-
mined efforts, and in 1496 we find him applying to
Henry VII for Letters Patent authorizing a voyage
of discovery.

No journal was kept of these momentous voyages,
and no historian of the time realized the importance
of the events, nor how hungrily the smallest evidence
would be sought for by the historians of later days.
Consequently, we have but the most fragmentary
accounts of them, drawn principally from letters of the
Ambassadors of European sovereigns at the court of
England, a few entries in the Customs Roll of Bristol,
the copies of the charters issued to Cabot and his sons,
a few brief references in contemporary chronicles, and
a legend copied from a map since lost. No certain
history can be compiled from such data, and each
student forms a theory for himself, according as he is
swayed by some particular piece of evidence which
seems to him to have the most weight.

Fortunately the most important facts are not matters
of dispute. The following is an attempt to state them
in the simplest possible form.

John Cabot was born in Genoa, became a citizen of

THE CABOTS. 1497 21

Venice, married there, and emigrated to England, taking
up his residence in Bristol.

The first English document which has been found
relating to him is the Charter granted to him " and his
sonnys," by Henry VII, of March 5th, 1496. Prefixed
to the Charter is the following quaint petition: —

" To the Kyng our souvereigne lord :

" Please it your highness of your most noble and
habundant grace, to grant unto John Cabotte, Citizen
of Venes, Lewes, Sebastyan and Sancto, his sonnys,
your gracious letters patent vnder your grate seale in
due forme to be made, according to the tenour here-
after ensuying. And they shall during their lyves
pray to God for the prosperous continuance of your
most noble and royall astate long to enduer."

These "gracious letters patentes" permitted them
to fit out an expedition, " at their own proper costs
and charges," to seek out, discover, and find whatsoever
islands, countries, etc., of the heathens which were
unknown to all Christians. The right was conceded
to them to fly the British flag over any places they
found, and to occupy " any such places that they were
able to conquer as our vassals governors lieutenants or
deputies." For this privilege the said John and his
sons were bound to the King for one-fifth (Y5) part
of all the proceeds.

Fortified with this precious document, John Cabot
left Bristol, probably on May 2nd, 1497, in a little ship
called the Matthew with a crew of eighteen men.
He rounded the south of Ireland, steered a northerly
course for several days, and then struck boldly west-
ward, " with the Pole Star on his right hand." On St.
John the Baptist's Day, June 24th, he made land.

22 LABRADOR

Early in August he arrived back at Bristol, and on the
loth the King gave ;!^io " To hym that found the New-
Isle." This is almost all that can be said about this
memorable voyage that is not open to controversy.

The following further particulars are mainly correct.
The country discovered was seven hundred leagues
from England. The tides were slack there, and the
seas were full of fish, the value of which was immediately
recognized. " And the said Englishmen, his partners,
say that they can bring so many fish that this kingdom
will not have any more business v/ith Iceland, and that
from that country there will be a very great trade in
the fish they call stock-fish." A prophecy which was
fulfilled in both particulars, for the Iceland trade gradu-
ally declined, but the trade in " stock-fish from the new
isle " goes bravely on to-day.

One account says he coasted three hundred leagues,
which is difficult to explain. Then he named an island
off from the land, the Isle of St. John, which has worried
commentators enormously ; and again, he is said to
have seen two islands " to the right " on his way back,
which has been quite inexplicable until lately, when it
is said that the Italian letter which gives this informa-
tion had been badly translated, and the expression
used means simply " on the way back," the words " to
the right" being an interpellation. White bears and
" stagges farre larger than ours" were seen, and both
have caused floods of controversy. Sebastian Cabot
told in later years how the bears caught salmon in their
claws, and was probably looked upon as a romancer
even in those days. But in Cartwright's Journal of a
Residence on the Labrador, to be discussed later in
this history, we shall find the same incident described
with full detail.

THE CABOTS. 1497 23

Cabot, or one of his companions, was rash enough to
say that " they thought Bresil wood and silke grew
there," but had they known how this bare suspicion
was to be fought over and made the groundwork for
the wildest theories, they would doubtless have been
more cautious in expressing their opinions. None of
the natives of the country were seen, but Cabot found
and brought to the King snares for catching game and
a needle for making nets, which have also become
serious controversial points.

Upon his return to Bristol he was received with such
adulation that he was completely carried off his feet.
" The people ran after him like mad," and he was called
" the great Admiral." He looked far beyond the humble
codfish, which took the fancy of his English companions,
and saw visions of a great trade with Cipango (Japan),
" where all the spices in the world do grow and where
there are also gems."

Like Sir John Falstaff, " He dreamed of Africa and
golden joys." Soncino wrote to the Duke of Milan
that : " He gave away islands and promised bishop-
ricks to poor friars," and adds with evident humour :
" And I, being a friend of the Admiral, if I wished to
go could have an Archbishoprick."

The next year Henry VH granted new letters patent
to John Cabot, this time not including his sons, to make
another expedition " to the lande and isles of late
founde by the said John."

Four or five ships were fitted out, provisioned for
a year, and "goodes and sleight merchandize" were
adventured in them. They sailed in the spring ; one
vessel was at once driven on the coast of Ireland, and that
is all which can be said for certain regarding this voyage
from which Cabot and his associates expected so much.

24 LABRADOR

Only two indisputable references to it have been
found. The most important is a manuscript in the
British Museum entitled •* Cronicon regum Angliae, etc."
There the fitting out of the expedition is described
" which depted from the West Country in the begynning
of Somer but to the psent moneth came never know-
ledge of their exployt." The month referred to is
made out to be October. The other is a despatch of
Pedro Ayala, the Spanish Ambassador, dated July 25th,
1498, which reads : " News has been received of the
fleet of five ships. The one in which was Brother Buil
put into Ireland owing to a great storm in which the
ship was damaged."

A very important document was found among the
papers at Westminster Abbey in 1897, the four
hundredth anniversary of Cabot's memorable voyage,
and was appropriately exhibited for the first time at the
Cabot Celebration at Bristol. It was the Customs Roll
of the Port of Bristol for the years 1496-9. In it is
the following entry, between the dates September 25th,
1498, and September 25th, 1499 : " In tho in una tall
p Johe Calvot XX li," which, being interpreted, means
that ;^2o was paid for one tally per John Cabot.

This is considered fair presumptive evidence that he
did return from his last voyage, but unfortunately it is
not conclusive. It will be noticed that the payment
was made for one tally, but by a Special Warrant, issued
on February 2nd, 1498, three tallies were granted to
John Cabot because "we be informed the said John
Caboote is delayed of his payment." These tallies were
practically promissory notes, and were negotiable, and
therefore the payment might not have been made to
John Cabot in person.

No amount of industry has unearthed any further

THE CABOTS. 1497 25

account of the voyage of 1498, or any other incident of
John Cabot's history. Until quite lately the stories told
by Sebastian Cabot of a voyage to the far north were
applied to the voyage of 1498, but some recent authori-
ties consider it probable that they refer to a later ex-
pedition, probably in 1 508.

In explanation of John Cabot's entire disappearance
from history, it has been suggested that he returned a
discredited and disappointed man, his magnificent visions
dispelled, and his friends put to serious losses through
their trust in him. Under such circumstances it can be
easily seen how quickly he would drop out of memory.
The only reference to the death of John Cabot which
has been found is in one of the reputed utterances of
Sebastian Cabot, who is reported as saying that his
father died about the time of the discoveries of Colum-
bus, which is too obviously untrue even for Sebastian to
have ventured on.

Even the fame which should have been his seems to
have been appropriated by Sebastian. Richard Eden
and Peter Martyr both knew Sebastian Cabot intimately,
and both wrote accounts of his voyages, but John
Cabot's share in them is not mentioned. The glory of
discovering the new found land was given to Sebastian
only. But time has its revenges, and for this unfilial
act, combined with a tendency to boast, Sebastian has
received a severe castigation at the hands of recent his-
torians, and John Cabot is now firmly settled in his
rightful place as the first European to set foot upon the
mainland of America. That is, provided he made his
landfall upon some part of the Labrador, as some think,
or that Newfoundland and Cape Breton shall be con-
sidered as the mainland, if either of those islands were
the first to receive his foot.

26 LABRADOR

No attempt can be made here to give all the particu-
lars of the controversy which has raged over the prob-
able landfall of Cabot, but in order that some apprecia-
tion of it may be arrived at by the ordinary reader, the
principal controversial points are recited.

As an example of the confusion which has arisen on
this point, witness the contradictory statements for
which " the industrious Hakluyt " is responsible. The
map of Emeric Molyneux, issued with the 1599 edition
of Divers' Voyages, states regarding Labrador : " This
land was discovered by John and Sebastian Cabot for
King Henry VII, 1497." In Hakluyt's MS., 1584, in
the library of the late Sir Thos. Phillips, he says, refer-
ring to Cabot's " owne mappe " : " In which mappe in
the chapiter of Newfoundland there in Latin is put
down — the very day and the first land which they saw."
But when the so-called Cabot map was finally found it
states that the landfall was at Cape Breton and not in
Newfoundland.

It is also clear from the evidence of Sir Humphrey
Gilbert and Richard Willes, who had both seen Cabot's
map, that it differed in a marked degree in respect to the
Arctic regions from the Sebastian Cabot map of 1544,
now extant.

The greatest authority of the present day on the
voyages of the Cabots and the cartographical evolution
of America is M. Henri Harrisse. It is not too much
to say that he has spent a lifetime in the study of these
and kindred subjects, his many publications spreading
over a period of more than forty years. Very many
important facts have been discovered and made public
by him. He is especially harsh in his judgment of
Sebastian Cabot, whose character he sums up in the
expressive words ^' pienteur fieffeT In his latest book

THE CABOTS. 1497 27

on the subject, Decouverte de Terre Neiive, Paris, 1900,
M. Harrisse deals exhaustively with the early voyages
to Newfoundland and the neighbouring countries, critic-
ally examines all the early maps, and gives an invaluable
dated nomenclature.

Of Cabot's landfall he writes as follows : " The un-
biased critic therefore does not know, has no means
of knowing, and probably never will know, exactly
where Cabot landed in 1497 and 1498."

In h\s John and Sebastian Cabot, 1882, he pronounced
in favour of a Labrador landfall. In his Discovery of
America, 1892, he took an extreme view, and thought
the landfall of 1497 might have been at Cape Chidley ;
and in his John Cabot, 1896, he thinks the south-eastern
part of Labrador, near Sandwich Bay, the favoured spot.

A powerful argument against the Cape Chidley theory,
and one that the writer has not seen advanced hereto-
fore, is that the tides are very strong there, rising and
falling about thirty-five feet, whereas Cabot reported of
the country he had discovered that the " tides were very
slack."

The principal arguments advanced in favour of a
Labrador landfall are as follows : —

1. That the course taken by Cabot, first sailing
northerly for some days after rounding the south of
Ireland, and then westerly " with the Pole Star on the
right hand," would naturally take him to Labrador.

2. Many maps of the early sixteenth century, some
of them drawn under the superintendence of Sebastian
Cabot, state that the Labrador region was discovered
by the English.^

^ Mr. J. P. Howley, Geological Surveyor of Newfoundland, has always
held the opinion that Cabot first landed on Labrador, and has written
several able articles in favour of it.

28 LABRADOR

The following seem to be the principal arguments
against this theory : —

1. The influence of the Arctic current and the varia-
tion of the compass would have caused Cabot to make
a much more southerly course than he intended.
Elaborate calculations have been made by Sir Clement
Markham and Dr. S. E. Dawson as to the variations
of the compass at that time, and they arrive at
very different conclusions. M. Harisse contends, how-
ever, that there are no data available now for such
calculations.

2. No mention is made of ice having been met on the
first voyage, and it is unlikely that he could have
reached any part of the Labrador coast on June 24th
without passing great quantities of it, or that he could
have failed to record it if he had seen it. But it is not
impossible. On many occasions the ships of the
Moravian Brethren have reached the coast without
passing through ice, and on one notable occasion made
land near Nain, June 24th, 1772.

3. It has been argued that fish do not strike in on the
Labrador coast as early as June 24th (equal to July 3rd,
new style). Which is true as a general thing, but
occasionally they appear much earlier. Lieut. Chimmo
reports in 1867 that fish struck in at Ice Tickle, about
54° N,, on June loth, before any vessel had arrived on
the coast.

4. M. Harrisse thinks the La Cosa map of 1500 was
drawn from reports of Cabot's voyage, and while quite
imaginary as to coastline, the nomenclature found on
it indicates that Cabot made his landfall west or south,
and coasted towards the east or north. If the landfall
was at Sandwich Bay, how then could he have coasted
three hundred leagues north, as one account states?

THE CABOTS. 1497 29

5. As to the legend on the early maps, that Labrador
was discovered by the English, it will be demonstrated
in a later chapter that the name was probably derived
from the fact of its being first sighted by John
Fernandez in the Anglo-Azorean Expedition of 1501,
and Cabot's voyage might not therefore have occa-
sioned the continual repetition of the statement, al-
though in some maps the discovery is specifically
stated to have been made by John and Sebastian
Cabot.

6, Cabot saw none of the inhabitants of the country
he discovered, but found traces of them, and brought
back with him "snares for game and needles for making
nets." Harrisse considers this to indicate the regular
occupation of the Eskimos. But this is an entirely
erroneous idea. Every authority states that the Eskimos
are inhabitants of the seashore, and derive their susten-
ance almost entirely from seals and whales. On the
Labrador the Eskimos were in the habit of making two
excursions into the interior each year after reindeer,
which were sometimes killed with bow and arrow, but
generally were driven into the lakes or rivers and there
speared. The Eskimos had no knowledge of catching
salmon or trout by means of nets, and had to be
instructed in the art by the Moravian missionaries in
1772.

Cartwright, who made the acquaintance of the
southern Eskimos after they had had some intercourse
with Europeans and knew the articles which were most
in demand for barter, says the Eskimos " do not trouble
themselves to catch furs, not being furnished with traps,
nor do they understand the use of deathfalls," He
points out that the Eskimos had no stimulus to
industry beyond providing the necessaries of life, which

30 LABRADOR

the seal furnished almost entirely. That the catching
of furred animals was so fatiguing and precarious, and
the carcase so small, that, v/ere he to give up his time
to the business, his family must perish with hunger.
Among the implements of the Eskimos which have been
many times carefully described, snares and nets are not
mentioned.^

While it is somewhat foreign to this history, the rival
claims of Newfoundland and Cape Breton must also be
explained in order to estimate the value of the Labrador
theory. The principal arguments in favour of a landfall
at Cape Breton are : —

1. The statement on the so-called Sebastian Cabot
map of 1 544, that Cape Breton was the land first seen.

2. That the La Cosa map depicts the south coast of
Newfoundland, "Cavodescubierto" being*' Cape Breton"
and " Cavo de Inglaterra," " Cape Race."

3. That the climate of Cape Breton more nearly
answers to the description given by Cabot of the land
he visited.

Which arguments are thus rebutted : —

1. That it is almost impossible for Cabot, even if he
did not make Labrador, to have missed Newfoundland,
taking the course he did, and if by any chance he passed
out of sight of Cape Race, he could hardly have arrived
at Cape Breton, which is but forty miles south and
four hundred miles west of it. If Cabot steered a
westerly course by compass and passed south of Cape
Race, the variation would have carried him south not
only of Cape Breton, but of Nova Scotia also.

2. That the so-called Sebastian Cabot map of 1544

^ Permanent stone fox-traps, for taking Ihc animals alive, of very
ancient date, are found in many places on Labrador.

THE CABOTS. 1497 31

is a most inferior production, that it was engraved at
Antwerp not under Cabot's supervision, although he
may have suppHed information for it. That the
nomenclature is limited and very incorrect, and the out-
lines already antiquated. And that Cabot is equally
responsible for the statement on other maps that
Labrador was the country discovered by him and his
father.

3, That Cape Breton does not differ from New-
foundland in general characteristics, and neither of
them, any more than Labrador, answer fully to the
climatic conditions described by Cabot.

The theory that Newfoundland was the country first
seen by Cabot has been generally accepted for centuries,
and in fact never was questioned until the finding of
the so-called Cabot map in 1843.

Apart from this tradition, if so it may be called, the
arguments advanced for it are : — -

1. Its position making it the natural landfall.

2. Its name, having been called " the new found isle,"
or some similar term by the English, and " Terre Neuve "
by the French from the very earliest times. It must
be admitted, however, that for a long time the term was
used to denote the north-east coast of America generally,
and only more recently became the distinctive appella-
tion of our Newfoundland.

3. Many early maps also give it the name "Bacalaos,"
which one account says Cabot bestowed on the country
he found.

4. It is Newfoundland which has always been par-
ticularly celebrated for its wealth of fish.

5. On the map drawn by Mason, 1625, the statement
is made that Cape Bonavlsta was "a Caboto primum

32 LABRADOR

reperta," which also appears on a French MS. map by
Du Pont of about the same date, but does not so clearly
refer to Bonavista. The significance of the name
" Bonavista " has also been advanced in support of this
theory.

The name " Bonavista " first appears on the fragment
of a map by Viegas, 1534, as Boavista, On the
Riccardina map, which is an exact copy of the Viegas
map so far as the latter goes, but shows in addition the
northern parts of Newfoundland and Labrador, the
name " Boavista " also appears on the Labrador coast.
But the name was probably in use long before it
appeared on a map, as Jacques Cartier refers to it in the
narrative of his first voyage, before the Viegas map was
printed. The theory which seems most likely to be
accepted is that Cabot made land on the east coast of
Newfoundland, in the vicinity of Bonavista or Trinity
Bay, and that he then coasted northwards until possibly
he reached Hamilton Inlet on the Labrador, which he
might have done in ten days, and yet have ample time
to get back to Bristol early in August.

Since the reign of Elizabeth, England has claimed
Newfoundland and Labrador by virtue of their dis-
covery by Cabot.

CHAPTER III

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1 500-1 534

THE continued increase in the knowledge of New-
foundland and Labrador, as shown by the maps
still extant, is satisfactory evidence that many voyages
were made thither between 1500 and 1534, but history
has preserved the names of very few of the voyagers or
the particular localities visited.

The whole of the north-east coast of America was for
a long period termed the " Newlands," " Terre Neuve,"
or some similar designation. Even in 1534 we find
Jacques Cartier writing both of Newfoundland and
Labrador as " Terre Neuve," at the moment he was
in the act of proving that they were two separate and
distinct countries.

The splendid additions which were made to the
domains of Spain, as a result of the discoveries
of Columbus, were viewed by King Emmanuel of
Portugal with jealous eyes, and when the news of
Cabot's successful voyage towards the north-west
reached Portugal, he determined at once to despatch
an expedition of discovery in that direction. The hope
of finding a north-west passage to the East was of
particular interest to him, as that portion of the globe had
been kindly assigned to him by the Treaty of Tordesillas,
Caspar Corte Real, son of the Governor of Terceiras, one
of the Azores islands, was chosen by the King to com-
D 33

34 LABRADOR

mand the expedition. He was persona grata at the
Portuguese Court, a man of ability and daring, who had
already made a voyage in the proposed direction.

Corte Real set sail in the spring of 1500 and arrived
within sight of land, but was prevented from reaching
it by the quantities of ice which lay upon the coast.
This land is thought by some to have been Greenland,
but was undoubtedly Labrador. Nothing daunted, he
started again on May 19th, 1501, with three vessels,
and finally arrived at a country near the land he had
seen on the preceding voyage. The country now dis-
covered was Newfoundland, and his landfall was about
lat. 50 N. in some part of Notre Dame Bay. There
were fine rivers in this Newland, one of which they
ascended in their boats, and remarked upon the magnifi-
cent pines which grew upon the banks " fit for the
masts of the largest vessels," They found the waters
abounding in salmon, herring, and stockfish, and saw
numbers of large stags and other animals. Corte Real
called the country Terre Verde, a name which the locality
still bears. Green Bay being the common name for
Notre Dame Bay, and one of the smaller arms of the
sea also being called Bay Verte.

But what seemed to please the Portuguese more than
the riches of the sea and forest, was that the country
was thickly peopled. Visions of a profitable slave
trade immediately dawned upon them, inflaming their
imaginations to such an extent that they seized fifty-
seven men and women and children, and bore them
away to spend the rest of their lives as slaves in Portugal.
The neighbourhood of the Exploits river was always the
principal haunt of the Beothuks, the original inhabitants
of Newfoundland. And there can be no doubt, from the
description given of these unfortunate captives by eye-

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 35

witnesses of their arrival in Portugal, that they belonged
to that much wronged race.

No doubt this great crime committed against them
on their first encounter with the white race aroused
that spirit of hostility and suspicion which ever after
militated against the establishment of peaceful relations
with them.

The country reached by Corte Real in 1501 being
Newfoundland, the adjacent coast seen by him in the
previous year was undoubtedly Labrador.

Two of Corte Real's ships returned safely to Portugal,
but the ship which he himself commanded was never
again heard of. This caused the King so much dis-
tress, that two years later he despatched Miguel Corte
Real, with three ships, to find out what had become of
his brother. Arriving at Newfoundland they separated,
after agreeing upon a time and place of rendezvous, to
search the coast north and south for traces of Gaspar.
At the appointed time two ships returned, but that
commanded by Miguel Corte Real never arrived, and
tradition says was lost in the Straits of Belle Isle,
for which reason Belle Isle was originally called the
Island of Bad Fortune. The country was called by the
King of Portugal "the land of the Corte Reals," and
was bestowed upon that family by a Royal grant, which
was continually renewed until the year 1579. That the
Portuguese at once began to carry on a fishery in a
commercial manner in the new prolific fishing grounds
is proven by the fact that in 1506 King Emmanuel
issued an edict ordering that one-tenth of the proceeds
from the fishing voyages should be paid into the Royal
Treasury.

In 1 52 1, letters patent granted to Joao Alvarez
Fagundez refer to many previous voyages made

36 LABRADOR

from Viana, some of which apparently penetrated into
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and in 1527 we have John
Rut's letter telling of the presence of two Portuguese
ships in the harbour of St. John's.

The French records tell of a voyage made in 1506
by one John Dennys, and in 1508 four vessels were
fitted out in Rouen for Terre Neuve. In 15 10 the
vessel Jacquette arrived at Rouen to sell fish caught
in Terre Neuve, and in 1 5 1 1 letters patent were granted
to Juan de Agramonte, " to discover the secret of the
new land."

A book called the Chronicles of Eusebius, published
by Henry Estienne in Paris, in 15 12, describes seven
savages who had been brought to Rouen from the
country called Terre Neuve. There can be no doubt
that the French fishermen, particularly from Normandy
and Brittany, greatly preponderated in the fisheries of
Newfoundland and Labrador during the sixteenth cen-
tury. The New Interbide, 15 17, to be quoted fully later,
laments that while the English were neglecting the
countries discovered by them, *' full a hundred sail," of
the French loaded with fish there every year. While
some allowance must be made for poetic licence, it was
no doubt mainly correct. John Rut encountered eleven
Norman vessels in the harbour of St. John's in August,
1527, and the St. Maloins showed by their opposition
to Jacques Cartier in 1533 that they carried on a regu-
lar fishery in the Straits of Belle Isle, and probably in
the Gulf of St. Lawrence as well. In Edward VI's
Journal of his reign, he mentions that the French Am-
bassador informed him that the Emperor of Spain "had
stayed certain French ships going fishing to Newfound-
land."

The Spanish do not appear to have given any atten-

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1600-1534 37

tion to the northern parts of the American coast. In
1 501 the Spanish King gave orders to Alonso de Hojeda
to take steps to frustrate the attempts of the EngHsh
in the North West, but after the voyages of the Corte
Reals made it plain that the greater part of the sea-
board of Newfoundland and Labrador lay to the east-
ward of the line of demarcation, agreed to at the Treaty
of Tordesillas, and consequently outside of the Spanish
sphere of influence, they took no further interest in those
latitudes.

It has already been stated that nothing is known for
certain of John Cabot after the sailing of his second
expedition in 1498, and it is generally supposed that his
death took place shortly after his return. Be this as it
may, after an interval of little more than two years we
find that his letters patent were superseded by new
letters patent, granted by Henry VII, on March 19th,
1501. The recipients were three merchants of Bristol —
Richard Ward, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas,
and three natives of the Azores — Joao Fernandez, Fran-
cisco Fernandez, and Joao Gonzales. Privileges were
granted to them similar to those previously granted
to Cabot. The term was ten years, and it was signifi-
cantly added, " Let none of our subjects turn them from
their lands ... by virtue of any previous grant made
by Us to any foreignor or foreignors, etc."

No account of this expedition is preserved beyond
the fact that it returned in January, 1502, for on
January 7th we find that Henry VII granted "To men
of Bristoll that founde Thisle £$•"

On September 26th, 1502, there is an entry in the
Privy Purse " To the merchants of Bristoll that have
been in the Newe Founde Lande ;£"20."

On December 6th, 1503, Henry VII issued a warrant

38 LABRADOR

for the payment of a pension of £10 per annum, which
had already been granted in 1502, " unto our trusty and
well beloved subjectts ffraunceys ffernandus and John
Guidisalvus squiers in consideration of the true service
which they have doon unto us to our singular pleasure
as capitaignes unto the newe founde lande." The first
payment made under the grant referred to was no doubt
that of ^20 named above.

Another item of information, which must be referred
to this voyage, is contained in Stowe^s Annals and in
Hakluyfs Voyages. They both quote from Fabyans
Chronicle, but differ as to the date of the occurrence.
Hakluyt at first places it in the seventeenth year of
Henry VI Fs reign, and afterwards in the fourteenth,
while Stowe says it was in the eighteenth. It is more
reasonable to suppose that the first named date was the
correct one, which would be between August 22nd, 1501,
and August 22nd, 1502.

Hakluyfs account reads as follows : " Of three
savage men which hee (Sebastian Cabot) brought home
and presented unto the King in the 17th year of his
reign.

" This yeere also were brought unto the King three
men, taken in the newe founde Island, that before I
spake of in William Purchas time being Maior. These
were clothed in beastes skinnes and ate raw flesh, and
spake such speeche that no man coulde understand
them, and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes,
whom the King kept a time after. Of the which upon
two years past I saw apparelled after the manner of
Englishmen in Westminster Pallace, which at that time
I could not distinguish from Englishmen, till I was
learned what they were. But as for speeche, I heard
none of them utter one word."

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 39

The fact of their eating raw flesh declares them to
have been Eskimos, and consequently that they were
almost certainly taken from Labrador. It is also
certain, as will be abundantly proved later, that the
name Labrador was bestowed upon the country because
it was first sighted by Joao Fernandez. How it came
to pass that Sebastian Cabot was chosen to present
these three Eskimos at Court cannot be explained.
But it seems reasonable to suppose that Warde,
Ashehurst, and Thomas, John and Francis Fernandez
Guidisalvus, Hugh Elliott and William Thorne, had,
some or all of them, accompanied John Cabot in his
voyages 1497 and 1498, that Sebastian had also accom-
panied his father and afterwards formed one of the
crew of the subsequent expeditions from Bristol.

On December 9th, 1502, Henry VH again issued
letters patent to Thomas Ashehurst, Joao Gonzales,
Francisco Fernandez, and Hugh Elliott, authorizing
another expedition, and granting privileges of trade
for forty years. On January 7th previous, a payment
of ;^20 had been made to Robert and William Thorne
and Hugh Elliott, of Bristol, who having bought a
French ship of 120 tons, "wit the same ship the same
merchants offre to doe unto us service at all times at
our commandment." The connecting link between
these two records is furnished by Robert Thome's letter
to Henry VH, written from Seville in 1527, in which
he says : " I reason that as some sicknesses are heredi-
tarious and come from father to sonne, so this
inclination or desire for discoveries I inherited from
my father, which with another merchant of Bristowe
named Hugh Eliot were the discoverers of the New-
foundlands of the which there is no doubt (as now
plainly appeareth) if the mariners would then have

40 LABRADOR

bene ruled and followed their pilot's mind, the landes
of the West Indies (where all the gold cometh from)
would have been ours, for all is one coast as by the card
appeareth," How this would have been accomplished
is not so plain to us as it appeared to Robert Thorne.

The following entry, taken from the Public Records,
no doubt refers to this voyage of 1503. November
17th, 1503, "To one that brought haukes from the
Newfound island ^i."

And the following would indicate voyages made in
1504 and 1505 : April 8th, 1504, "To a Priste going
to the New Island £2!'

August 25th, 1505, "To Clays going to Richmond
wit wyld catts and popyngays of the Newfound Isle for
his costs 13s. 4d."

September 25th, 1505, "To Portuzals that brought
popyngays and cattes of the mountaigne with other
stuff to the Kings Grace ^^5."

It is thus apparent that the people of Bristol were
at once aroused to great enthusiasm by the discoveries
of Cabot, and immediately took steps to utilize them.

Sebastian Cabot's history at that time cannot be
accurately determined, Peter Martyr, Gomara, and
many others report speeches and statements made by
him, which recent commentators conclude were actually
so made in the words in which they were recorded, and
because of their contradictory nature his reputation
has been assailed in the most uncompromising manner.
All the apparently contradictory statements have been
ascribed to him, and none to the inattention, forgetful-
ness, or carelessness of the chroniclers themselves,
whereas one of the most common frailties of human
nature is the difficulty of repeating a story exactly as
it has been heard. Sebastian Cabot seems to have been

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 41

of a boastful nature, and to have spoken more of his
own achievements than of those of his father, but that
is hardly sufficient reason for the entire discredit which
has been cast upon him by many recent writers. If he
was the liar and impostor which these would have us
believe, he seems to have been more successful in his
day and generation than such characters generally are.
His services were highly valued by England in his early
manhood, and were so generally known that Spain
intrigued until they were secured for her benefit. For
thirty-seven years he filled the highest posts in the
Spanish Marine, and when he transferred his services
again to England, where he also occupied high office,
the strongest representations were made by Spain
insisting that he should be sent back. At intervals
during this period the Council of Ten at Venice also
were on the alert to take him from both of them. It is
hardly probable that they were all deceived, and our
modern historians only able to form a just estimate of
his character and ability.

Sebastian Cabot several times referred to a voyage or
voyages other than the original voyage of discovery,
but the accounts differ so much that it is impossible to
reconcile them or to determine when they took place.
They have been referred to voyages in 1498, 1508,
and 1 5 17. The 1498 voyage has already been dis-
cussed. In support of a voyage which took place in
1508, there are two entirely independent and circum-
stantial accounts, to which some credit must be given.
The first is contained in a report read by Mercantorio
Contarini before the Senate at Venice in 1536, and is as
follows : —

" Sebastian Cabot, the son of a Venetian, who repaired
to England in galleys from Venice with the notion of

42 LABRADOR

going in search of countries, obtained two ships from
Henry King of England, the father of the present
Henry, who has become a Lutheran and even worse ;
navigated with three hundred men until he found the
sea frozen. He was obliged therefore to turn back
without having accomplished his object, with the in-
tention of renewing the attempt when the sea was not
frozen. But upon his return he found the King dead,
and his son caring little for such an enterprise."

Henry VH died on April, 2ist, 1509, and the voyage
referred to must have been made in the previous year,
1508. Contarini had undoubtedly met Sebastian Cabot
in Spain and obtained his information from his own
lips, but as usual did not tell the story clearly and
completely. The account of the date of the voyage,
however, seems quite circumstantial.

The other statement regarding a voyage made by
Sebastian Cabot in 1508 is found in George Best's
account of Frobisher's voyage, published in 1578.
He says : —

"Sebastian Cabot, being an Englishman borne at
Bristowe, was by commandment of King Henry VH
in anno 1508 furnished with shipping munition and
men, and sayled along that tract (which now is called
Baccalaos) pretending to discover the passage to
Cataya and went aland in many places and brought
home sundry of the people, and sundry other things
of that country in token of possession, being (I say) the
first Christian that ever set foote on land."

There seems to be no possibility that Best derived
his information from Contarini's statement, and it
seems quite too extraordinary a coincidence for them
both to have made the same mistake ; therefore,

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 43

unless a mutual source of error can be traced, it must
be assumed that each had good authority for what
they stated.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert, writing in 1 566, quotes from
Sebastian Cabot's chart " yet to be seen in the Queens
Majesties Privie Gallery at Whitehall, who was sent to
make this discoverie by Henry VH and entered the
same fret, affirming that he sayled very farre Westward
with a quarter of the North on the north side of Terre
de Labrador, the eleventh day of June, until he came to
the septentrional latitude of 6^^ degrees, and finding
the sea still open said that he might and would have
gone to Cataia if the mutiny of the masters and
mariners had not been."

Either the date or the latitude is incorrect in this
statement, but it does not necessarily follow that the
misstatement was Cabot's.

Ramusio, Peter Martyr, and Gomara all tell of a
voyage to the Arctic regions under Sebastian Cabot's
command. But we can only notice here the account
given by that " learned and painful writer " Richard
Eden, in the prefatory letter to his translation of Sebas-
tian Munster, in 1553. He says: —

"If merely manly courrage had not been wanting at
such time as our soverign lord of noble memorie King
Henry VHI, about the same yeare of his reign,
furnished and sent out certain ships under the govern-
ance of Sebastian Cabot yet living and Sir Thos. Pert
whose faint heart was the cause the voyage tooke
none effect."

This is the only reference that has been found to a
voyage in the year 15 16-17. Hakluyt evidently gives
gives credit to it, and Purchas, referring to it, writes:

44 LABRADOR

" A second time Sir Thos. Pert and the said Cabota
were set forth with a fleet to America by King Henry
VIII in the eight yere of his reign," but he nowhere
refers to a .'previous voyage conducted by them. It
will be noticed that the reference to the date in Eden's
letter is somewhat ambiguous, or at least very peculiarly
expressed. Generally speaking, the sentence, " about
the same year of his reign," would be taken to mean
that it was the same year as that on which some other
event had taken place, but in this instance, wanting
some such explanation, it has been concluded that the
adjective " same " refers to the numeral " eight," which
is by no means a convincing explanation. It is much
more likely that " same " is a printer's error for " first," ^

In any case the voyage could not have taken place in
1 5 17, as Cabot transferred his services to Spain in 15 12,
was certainly there on November 13th, 15 15, was made
Pilot Major February 9th, 15 18, and it is very improb-
able that he could have accepted employment from
Henry VIII in the interval. Sir Thomas Pert is also
recorded as being in the Thames in July, 1517, ballast-
ing his vessel.

The earliest reference to the discovery of America
which has been found in English literature occurs in
a little drama entitled, A newe interlude and a niery of
the iiij elements declaryinge inany proper points of philo-
sophy natural, the only copy of which is in the British
Museum. It is somewhat imperfect, having lost the
colophon, and it is therefore impossible to sa)^ exactly
when it was printed, but a note, in the handwriting
of David Garrick, states in regard to it, " First im-

^ Mr. Geo. Parker Winship, author of the very excellent Cabot
Bibliogi-aphy , is a strong believer in a voyage made by Sebastian Cabot
in 1508.

MAP SHOWING PORTION OF LABRADOR
CLAIMED BY NEWFOUNDLAND

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 45
pressions dated 25th Oct., 11 Henry VIII," which would
be in the year 1519-20.

The lines referring to the New World are as follows : —

And northwarde on this syde

There lyeth Iselonde wher men do fyshe

But beyonde that so cold it is

No man may there abyde

This see is called the great Oceyan

So great it is that never man

Coude tell it sith the worlde began

Tyll nowe within this xx yere

Westwarde be founde new landes

That we neuer harde tell of before this

By wrytynge nor other meanys

Yet many nowe haue been there

And that contrey is so large of rome

Muche lenger than all cristendome

Without fable or gyle

For dyuers maryners haue it tryed

And sayled streyght by the coste syde

Aboue V. thousand myle

But what commodytes be within

No man can tell nor well imagyn

But yet not longe a go

Some men of this contrey went

By the kynges noble consent

It for to serche to that extent

And coude not be brought therto

But they that were the ventere (r)s

Haue cause to curse their maryners

Fals of promys and dissemblers

That falsly them betrayed

Which wolde take no pain to saile farther

Than their own lyst and pleasure

Wherefore that vyage and dyuers others

Suche kaytyffes haue distroyed

O what thynge a had be than

Yf that they that be englyshe men

Myght haue been the furst of all

That there shulde haue take possessyon

And made furst buyldynge and habytacion

A memory perpetuall

And also what an honorable thynge

Bothe to the realme and to the kynge

To haue had his domynyon extendynge

46 LABRADOR

There into so farre a grounde

Whiche the noble kynge of late menory

The most wyse prince the vij. He(n)ry

Caused furst for to be founde

And what a great meritoryouse deed

It were to haue the people instructed

To lyue more vertuously

And to lerne to knowe of men the maner

And also to knowe god their maker

Whiche as yet lyue all be(a)stly

For they nother god or the deuell

Nor neuer harde tell of heuyn nor hell

Wrytynge nor other scripture

But yet in the stede of god almyght

They honour the sonne for his great lygght

For that doth them great pleasure

Buyldynge nor house they haue none at all

But wodes cotes and caues small

No marueyle though it be so

For they vse no maner of yron

Nother in tolle nor other wepon

That shulde help them therto

Copper they haue which is founde

In dyuers places aboue the grounde

Yet they dig not therfore

For as I sayd they haue none yron

Wherby they shuld in the yerth myne

To serche for any wore

Great haboundance of vvoddes ther be

Moste parte vyr and pyne aple tre

Great ryches myght come therby

Bothe pytche and tarre and sope asshys

As they make in the eest landes

By brynnying therof only

Fyshe they haue so great plente

That in hauyns take and slayne they be

With stauys withouten sayle

Nowe frenchemen and other haue founden the trade

That yerely of fyshe there they lade

A boue an C. sayle.

But this newe lande founde lately
Ben called America by cause only
Americus did first them fynde.

These verses are full of suggestiveness, and display
a popular knowledge of the New World in England at

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 47

that period ; but we are only concerned here with the
reference to a voyage to the northern coasts of America,
undertaken by the English, which was brought to nought
by the mutiny of the sailors. This making the fourth
reference to an incident of that kind.

It does not seem probable that they all refer to the
same occasion. One would be inclined to suppose that
Thorne referred in his letter to one of the earlier
voyages, probably that of 1501-2. The others, how-
ever, point to a later date, and it is allowable to surmise
that they all three refer to the voyage of 1508-9, in
which Sebastian Cabot, possibly assisted by Sir
Thomas Pert, sailed along the Newfoundland and
Labrador coast and penetrated some distance into
Hudson Strait, but owing to Sir Thomas Pert's " want
of stomacke" was prevented, as he thought, from reach-
ing Cathay. Turning south, he coasted down to Florida
and thence returned to England. It must be conceded,
in any case, that such a voyage took place, and the
duration of the voyage, recorded by Contarini, from the
spring of 1508 to April 22nd, 1509, is the only
account we have which would permit of such an exten-
sive exploratory expedition. The probability that
Sebastian Cabot entered Hudson Strait is deduced
from Sir Humphrey Gilbert's account given above, and
also from that of Richard Willes written about the
same time. The latter is most circumstantial, describ-
ing a strait depicted on Sebastian Cabot's map " which
the Earl of Bedford hath at Cheines," between sixty-
one and sixty-four degrees north latitude, into which
Cabot penetrated for some distance : but no such strait
is found on the so-called Sebastian Cabot map of 1544-

After this date there is no record of an English
expedition actually having taken place until 1527.

4S LABRADOR

But the English marine was steadily growing, and the
English Navy was making itself felt in the " narrow "
seas. In 15 13, it is recorded that the merchants of
Bristol owned a fleet of nine vessels of over one
hundred tons each, which were bound to do a service
to the Crown when called upon. Seeing the interest
taken by the people of Bristol in the New Lands in the
opening years of the century, it is safe to assume that
some of these vessels were employed in the trade which
they had discovered.

In 1521, Henry VIII and Cardinal Wolsey decided
that an expedition " be prepared for a viage to be made
to the newe founde land. . . . The Drapers Company
to furnish V shippes. The King's Grace to prepare
them in takyll ordinaunce and all other necessaries at
his charge. And also the King to bere the adventor.
The michauntts and companys to be at the charge of
vitaylling and mannys wages, for one whole yere and
the shippes not to be above VI score ton apeice." In
reply, the Drapers Company declared that the King
and his Councillors " were duely and substauncially
informed in such man'^ and as perfite knowledge myghte
be had by credible reports of maisters and maryners
naturally born within this realm, of England having
experiences and exercises in and about the afore said
lande as wele in knowledge of the lande, the due course
of the waye thithwards and homeward as in knowledge of
the havens dayngers and sholds there upon that coast that
then it were lesse jeopardy to adventure thither than it
is now al though it be furder hens than few English
maryners can tell.

" And we think it were to sore advent to jeoperd V
shippes with men and goodes unto the Island uppon the
singular trust of one man called as we understoned

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 49

Sebastyan whiche Sebastyan as we here say was never
in that lande himself, all if he makes reporte of many
things as he hath heard his father and other men speake
in tymes past.

" And also we say that if Sebastyan had bene
there and were as conying a man in and for those
parties as any man myghte be having none assistants
of maisters and maryners of England exercised and
labored in the same p'ties for to guyd three shippes and
other charges than we knowe of but onely trusting to
the said Sebastyan we suppose it were no wysdome to
adventr lyves and good thither in suche manr., what for
fear of syknes or dethe of the said Sebastyan."

Sebastian Cabot was in England at the time this
protest against him was made. We read that one John
Goderyck of Foley was paid 43s. 4d. " for his
charge costes and labour conductying of Sebastian
Cabot, master of the Pilattes, in Spain to London."

So far as is known, the expedition never sailed.

It is not easy to understand the exact purport of
this reply of the Drapers' Company, beyond the fact
that they were unwilling to furnish the ships required
by Wolsey and were searching for excuses. Wolsey
was chaplain to the Marquis of Dorset at the time of
John Cabot's discoveries, and must have been fully
acquainted with all the particulars connected with them.
That he should have judged Sebastian Cabot competent
to command this expedition goes far to counterbalance
the unfavourable opinion of the London merchants, who
after all did not seem to be very sure of their statements.

Sebastian Cabot's own account of this affair is to be
found in the very interesting letter of Contarini, Vene-
tian Ambassador at Madrid, to the Council of Ten at
Venice, dated December 31st, 1522. Cabot was intri-

E

so LABRADOR

guing to transfer his services to Venice, and by way of
increasing his value told how anxious England had
been to employ him. He said : " Now it so happened,
that when in England some three years ago (if P mis-
take not) Cardinal Wolsey offered me high terms if
I would sail with an armada of his on a voyage of dis-
covery. The vessels were almost ready, and they had
got together thirty thousand ducats for their outfit. I
answered him that being in the service of the King
of Spain I could not go without his leave, but if free
permission were granted me from hence (Spain) I would
serve him." He then told of his meeting with a Vene-
tian friar, who reminded him of his duty to his native
country, Venice. " In consequence of this, as by serving
the King of England I could no longer benefit our
country, I wrote to the Emperor not to give me leave
to serve the King of England, as he would injure him-
self extremely, and thus to recall me forthwith."

One very important fact, however, is proven by this
reply of the over-cautious Drapers' Company, and that
is, that many native born masters and mariners were
obtainable who had full knowledge of the way to the
new-found-lands and of the havens, dangers, and shoals
upon that coast. Consequently many unrecorded ex-
peditions had been made thither by the mariners of
England prior to 1521. The trade had reached such
proportions that in 1522, when war broke out between
England and France, English men-of-war were stationed
in the Channel to protect the returning fishing fleet.

John Rut's voyage of 1527 was possibly instigated by
Robert Thome's letter. Two vessels sailed on this ex-
pedition, the Sampson and the Mary Guildford of 160
tons, a King's ship, built in 1524. From the letter

^ i.e. Contarini.

VOYAGES TO THE NEW LANDS, 1500-1534 51

John Rut wrote to King Henry from the harbour of
St. John's " in bad English and worse writing," (which,
by the bye, is the earliest letter in the English language
written from America) we learn that, having sailed as
far as 53° north, they encountered so much ice on July
1st that they were forced to turn south and harboured
near " Cap de Bras," or " Gras," as the north-east point
of Newfoundland was then called, probably in the well
known harbour of " Carpunt." They had become
separated from the Sampson in a storm, and after wait-
ing some time for her at " Carpunt " they went south to
St. John's and waited there six weeks longer, but she
never put in an appearance.

Apparently there were two other English ships on the
coast the same year, which are referred to by Purchas as
" Master Grube's two ships," sailing from Plymouth,
June loth, and reaching Newfoundland July 21st, also,
rather curiously, at Cap de Bras. Also Hakluyt wrote
of two ships sent out by Henry VHI, sailing from
London, May 9th, 1527, one of which was called the
Dominus Vobisaim, and in which sailed divers cunning
men and a canon of St. Paul's. One of the ships was
lost in the Straits of Belle Isle, and the other returned
home about the beginning of October. Hakluyt's
account cannot be harmonized with what is known of
either Rut's or Grube's voyages. He was disappointed
that he could not find out something more, and blames
the " negligence of the writers of those times who
should have used more care in preserving the memories
of the worthiest acts of our nation," A criticism
which we devoutly echo.

CHAPTER IV
THE DERIVATION OF THE NAME "LABRADOR"

THE preceding chapter gives in narrative form
what is thought to be a commonsense view of
the early voyages to the north-east coast of America,
with but little attempt at argument or explanation of
the statements there made. He is a brave man who
undertakes to treat of a subject which has occupied
the attention of so many able students, and the writer,
in embarking upon it, does so with great diffidence.
The problems surrounding the early exploration of
Labrador and Newfoundland are, however, so curious
and interesting that they necessitate an attempt at
explanation. It has been enunciated in a preceding
chapter that the land seen by Corte Real in 1500,
but which he could not reach, was really our Labrador,
and not Greenland as is generally stated.

The derivation of the name Labrador is so inter-
woven in the discussion, that it is first necessary to give
the theory now generally accepted in regard to it.

Many attempts have been made to explain it. The
first and most obvious meaning, " le bras d'or " — the
arm of gold — is so evidently a misnomer that it need
not be seriously considered. " Le bras d'eau " has been
suggested as the interpretation for the Bradore Lakes
of Cape Breton, but it seems to have no significance
for our Labrador. Some early writers said that it was

52

'^jfe

^9 i

^ .»

THE DERIVATION OF THE NAME 53

the name of the captain of a Basque vessel who was
among the first to navigate its rugged coasts, or of the
vessel itself But no evidence has been produced to
substantiate this theory. Another far-fetched explana-
tion is that Corte Real bestowed the name on a part of
the country because he thought it fit for cultivation,
which is absurd. As a matter of fact, it is probable
that Corte Real did not succeed in effecting a landing
on any part of Labrador on account of ice, and not
intending to found a colony he could not have applied
the name with intent to deceive, as did Eric the Red in
the case of Greenland.

Henry Biddle, in his Memoirs of Sebastian Cabot
(Philadelphia, 183 1), first called attention to the letter
of Pietro Pasqualigo, Venetian Ambassador at the
Court of Portugal, to his brothers in Venice. It is
dated October 19th, 1501, a few days after the return
of Corte Real's ships. Among other particulars he
gives a description of the fifty-seven natives who were
brought to Portugal from the land which had been
visited. " The men of this place," says he, " will make
excellent workers and the best slaves one has ever
seen." For this reason Biddle suggested that the
name Labrador was taken from the Portuguese word
" lavrador " or " labrador," meaning labourer — an ex-
planation which has satisfied nearly all writers since
that time. But there are flaws in the line of reasoning
which completely upset that theory. On the " Cantino,"
" King," and other maps, drawn immediately after the
return of Corte Real's ships, tw:o countries are- seen.
One is undoubtedly Newfoundland, both from its
description and situation ; and from there Corte Real
sent his vessels with the fifty-seven savages. The
other, in some maps, has the unmistakable outline of

54 LABRADOR

Greenland ; in others the outline is vague, but of both
it is written that Corte Real was unable to land there.
This latter is the land which is called Labrador. It is
certain that the geographers were fully aware of the
facts of Corte Real's voyages, and if the derivation of
the name had been as suggested they would have
applied it to the land from which the people were taken —
that is, to Newfoundland. There seems to be but little
doubt that the name " Labrador " centres round the
achievements of one Joao or John Fernandez. It will
be remembered that he was one of the grantees of the
letters patent issued by Henry VII in 1501, but his
name is not included with the grantees of the letters
patent in 1502, and it is to be presumed that he had
returned to Portugal.

M. Ernesto de Canto, in his Archives dos Azores,
1894, points out that, in 1508, King Emmanuel of
Portugal gave certain privileges to an Azorean named
Pero de Barcellos for discoveries made by him in
northern regions. Associated with Pero de Barcellos
was Joao Fernandez, described as " lavrador," the
meaning of which, according to M. de Canto, is rather
" landowner " than " labourer." There can be little
doubt that this was the same Joao Fernandez who
sailed from Bristol in 1501. What particular voyage
from Portugal it was that he and Pero de Barcellos
had conducted has not been ascertained, but the guess
may be hazarded that it was one of the expeditions
which went to seek for Caspar Corte Real.

It is stated again and again on the early maps that
Labrador was discovered by the people of Bristol. One
map gives us additional information and supplies the
connecting link which incontestably settles the deriva-
tion of the name. It is an MS. map by an unknown

THE DERIVATION OF THE NAME 55

author, drawn about the year 1530, which is preserved
in the Hbrary of the Duke of Wolfenbuttel. Professor
Stevens, of Rutgers College, New Jersey, has only
recently obtained leave to copy it, and has just pub-
lished an excellent facsimile, from which the accompany-
ing illustration has been made. In the outlines of the
north-east coast of America and in the nomenclature,
it is an exact copy of the Ribero map of 1529. But on
the country named "Tierra del Labrador" it is written :
" This country was discovered by the people of the
town of Bristol, and because he who first sighted land
was a labourer from the islands of the Azores it was
named after him."

It has been suggested that this was a likely thing for
sailors to do, seeing themselves outdone by a reputed
farmer.

Taken altogether, this evidence from such diverse
sources seems to be conclusive, and, unless something
more definite is disclosed in the future, must be accepted
as the real explanation of the name Labrador.

But whatever the derivation may be, the name fits.
Cabot, Corte Real, Davis, Hudson, and a long line of
adventurous spirits, have ioiled along its rugged coasts.
And in the present day an army of fishermen from
Newfoundland fight their way to its shores each suc-
ceeding spring, through ice and fog and storm, there to
ply their calling during the eighteen -hour -long day
with a degree of severe labour unknown in other in-
dustries. It is truly named the land of the labourer —
not " tiller of the soil," but " toiler of the deep."

CHAPTER V

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION OF LABRADOR

EITHER Cabot, Corte Real, nor any of the earlier
voyagers to Newfoundland and Labrador left any
written accounts of their expeditions, and we owe our
knowledge of them entirely to hearsay evidence. But
there is a continuous series of documentary evidence
left to us, of which they were in part the authors, from
which a great deal of information can be derived.

The leader of every expedition furnished himself,
before starting, with any maps or charts which were
obtainable of the regions he proposed visiting, and cor-
rected and enlarged them by his own experience.

These rough drawings were acquired by skilled carto-
graphers (especially in Portugal and Spain, where there
were Schools of Navigation) and were embodied in
maps drawn up by them, often of the most elaborate
character, embellished with illustrations and resplendent
with gold and colours.

Some thirty or more maps and charts of the countries
in which we are interested are still extant, dating
before the voyage of Jacques Cartier in 1534, and it is
one of the most fascinating studies to trace in them the
gradual growth of knowledge of the New World to see
how new discoveries were represented and also how
errors arose and were perpetuated.

Labrador is a particularly interesting subject of study,

.=;6

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 57

as there are some curious problems connected with it
which are likely to remain subjects of controversy for
many a long day.

The first map which attempted to show the New-
found-land discovered by Cabot, was that drawn
between April and October, 1500, by Juan La Cosa, a
Spanish pilot of considerable experience, who had
himself crossed the Atlantic several times. A long
coastline is seen running from east to west, gradually
curving south until it combines with the present Florida.
It bears a number of names at intervals along the
coast, and the sea is labelled "the sea discovered by the
English." Notv/ithstanding the deepest study which
historians and geographers have bestowed upon it, this
map remains entirely inexplicable; the coastline cannot
be identified, and the names are purely fanciful.^

Only one suggestion can be made in regard to it,
which seems in the slightest degree satisfactory. Pedro
de Ayala, the Spanish Ambassador in London, wrote to
Spain shortly after Cabot's first voyage, saying that he
supposed the lands found by Cabot adjoined the
dominions of Spain which had been discovered by
Columbus. He also spoke of sending a map drawn by
Cabot, but doubtless did not do so. La Cosa seems to
have been impressed by the hint contained in Ayala's
letter, and to have drawn his map solely to give ex-
pression to it, and produced a fanciful coastline, dis-
covered by the English, adjoining the dominions of the
King of Spain.

The next map of the north-east coast of America is
known as the " Cantino" map, bearing the date of 1502.

^ Some writers have seen in this coastline the south coast of
Newfoundland, others have thought it to be the north shore of the Gulf
of St. Lawrence, and some prominent writers have declared it to be the
east coast of Labrador.

58 LABRADOR

It was drawn at Lisbon, and is undoubtedly an en-
deavour to show the results of Corte Real's voyages in
1500 and 1 501. A very curious error originated on
this map which it took many years to eradicate.

The designer knew that Corte Real had been unable
on account of ice to reach the land he saw in 1500. He
must also have been familiar with the maps and portu-
lans of the latter half of the fifteenth century, which
show Greenland fairly correctly outlined. Although all
communication with it had been cut off for nearly a
century, its reputation as an ice-bound country still
continued, so the designer of the map very natur-
ally jumped to the conclusion that it must have been
the land which Corte Real saw in 1500. He therefore
copied it very carefully, and labelled it as follows : —

" This land was discovered by the order of the most
excellent Prince Dom Emmanuel, King of Portugal,
and is found to be the extremity of Asia. They who
discovered it were not able to land, but they examined
it and saw nothing but mountains. For this reason it
is believed to be the extremity of Asia."

Now it is clearly impossible that Corte Real could in
such a short time have become so well acquainted with
the outlines of Greenland as is here shown, and the map
therefore does not delineate only what he had seen, and
the fact of the above label being attached to Greenland
cannot be considered conclusive evidence that he had
seen a part any more than the whole of it. Some
writers are of opinion that it actually was Greenland
which Corte Real saw in 1500, but when it is re-
membered that the country arrived at in 1501 was
Newfoundland, and that it was contiguous to the land
seen on the previous voyage, it must be admitted that,

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 59

in all probability, our Labrador was the ice-bound coast
which he could not attain. Perhaps also the geo-
grapher may have been misled in some curious way by
the fact that Corte Real had given the land he dis-
covered the name of " Tierra Verde." It must also be
remembered that the early voyagers were very erratic
in their longitudes, while their latitudes were fairly
correct. Even Frobisher's discoveries were misunder-
stood, and until the end of the eighteenth century
Frobisher's Straits were marked on the east coast of
Greenland.

On the Cantino map is seen, near to Greenland, an
outline of the country which Corte Real visited in 1501.
The label attached to it reads : —

" This land was discovered by the order of the very
high and most excellent Prince, Dom Emmanuel, King
of Portugal, the which Gaspar Corte Real, gentleman
of the King's house, discovered. He sent thence a ship
with some men and women of the country, remained
himself with the other ship, and never afterwards
returned. Magnificent trees for masts are found there."

It is carefully located to the east of the line of
demarcation, by which Pope Alexander VI divided
the dominions of Spain from those of Portugal, and it
is called " The land of the King of Portugal."

The deep bays and scattered islands are typical of
the eastern seaboard of Newfoundland, and it is un-
doubtedly intended for that coast. Notre Dame Bay
is supposed to be the scene of his landfall.

The next map to claim our interest was drawn by an
unknown Portuguese cartographer, a year or so after
the Cantino map, and is known as the " King" map.

It is particularly interesting as being the first attempt

6o LABRADOR

to delineate the Labrador coast. The cartographer had
probably discovered the mistake made on the Cantino
map by confusing it with Greenland, as he abandons
the well-known outlines of that Peninsula and draws
an irregularly shaped island to the eastward of "Terra
Corte Real," as Newfoundland was then called, and
labels it, for the first time time, " Terra Laboratoris."
As has been already shown, this is proof positive that
the name was not derived from the natives which Corte
Real sent from " Terra Corte Real." And if the de-
rivation of the name is as has been demonstrated in
the previous chapter, it shows that the reports of the
Anglo-Azorean Expedition had reached Portugal, and
very likely prevented the designer from falling into the
errors of the Cantino map.^

On the " King " map will be seen for the first time
on the land called " Terra Corte Real " the name " Capo
Raso," showing how very soon the geographical im-
portance of that famous cape was recognized. Also
far up in the right-hand corner will be seen the penin-
sula of Greenland, with "Tile" — i.e. Thule or Iceland —
beside it.

The next map in point of date is known as Kunst-
man II. It was probably drawn after the return of a
part of Miguel Corte Real's ill-fated expedition in
1503, and differs but slightly from the King map in
outline. On the island called " Terra de lauorador,"
however, appear no less than seven names, which may
possibly be taken as an indication that some portion
of the coast of Labrador had been explored in the

^ It has been already suggested that Joao Fernandez left Bristol after
his return in January, 1502, and went to Portugal, where he would have
given correct information to the designer of this map about the land
discovered by him in the previous year and have caused his "nickname"
to be attached to it.

KUNSTMAN NO. II.

Facing p. 60

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 6i

meantime. The names themselves are now without
significance.

But it is a curious circumstance that names are found
upon " Terra de lavrador " before they are upon New-
foundland, with the sole exception of " Capo Raso."
This fact is also evidence that it was in reality our
Labrador which was intended and not Greenland. For
the east coast of Greenland is nearly always beset with
an impenetrable mass of ice, and from the time of the
rediscovery of the country by John Davis until the
beginning of the nineteenth century, it remained un-
visited on that account. When in 1 8 16-17 this barrier
of ice became almost if not entirely separated from
the land, the event caused a great deal of comment by
geographers, and parts of the east coast were then
visited for the first time. While it is not impossible
that a similar event may have taken place in 1500, it is
yet very unlikely.

An interesting effort is evidently made by the
designer of the map known as Kunstman III, to recon-
cile the outlines of Greenland, according to Cantino,
with the outline of " Terra de lavrador " in Kunstman
II, placing on the east coast of Greenland three of the
names found on the latter, while at the same time
giving the best outline up to that date of the whole
Newfoundland and Labrador coast. The straits of
Belle Isle and Belle Isle are indicated in their proper
places, and the projection of land north of Hamilton
Inlet is shown, considerably exaggerated, but in nearly
correct latitude. Farther north the shore falls away to
the north-west in a fairly accurate manner. There are
ten names marked on the coast of Labrador and
Newfoundland, and among them are found " Ilha de
Frey Luis " at 52-50° north lat., near the present St,

62 LABRADOR

Lewis Inlet, and " Cabo de San Antoine" at 51° north
lat., where Cape St. Anthony is still to be found. Con-
ception Bay is the only other name which remains, but
is placed much too far north.

The chart of Pedro Reinel (1504-5) shows the east
coast of Newfoundland considerably developed and hav-
ing a greatly increased nomenclature, San Johan, Y-dos
aves (Bird Isles), Boaventura, appearing for the first
time, A very noticeable feature is the first delineation
of the south coast of Newfoundland and Cape Breton.
Also, north of Newfoundland and close to it, is seen
a coastline extending far to the eastward, which is the
beginning of a new type of delineation of Labrador. It
is the prototype of a number of maps, notably Kunstman
IV, 1520, Ribero 1529, Wolfenbuttel B 1530, Ricardina
1540, Deslien 1 541, Sebastian Cabot 1544, and Descliers
1546, the peculiarities of which will be discussed later.

The maps known as the Egerton Portulan 1507,
Ruysch 1508, and Majiolo 15 11, are more crude in their
delineation, but are all interesting, as they embody the
idea that the newly found countries were the eastern
portion of Asia. The Ruysch map is particularly im-
portant to us as it shows the veritable Greenland, so
named, and Newfoundland labelled, for the first time,
" Terra Nova," but Labrador is not indicated.

Two extremely important maps have recently been
discovered at Wolfegg Castle, in Bavaria, by Professor
Fischer, S.J. One is the long-sought-for map of
Waldseemiiller, which was drawn to accompany an
edition of Ptolemy's Cosmography, published in 1507
at the little town of St. Die in the Vosges mountains.
The suggestion was first made in this edition that
the New World should be called " America," after
Americus Vespucius, and the map now found puts the

KUNSTMAN NO. Ill

Facing p. 62

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 63

suggestion into practice by so designing it for the first
time.

The coast of Newfoundland is shown almost exactly
as in the " Cantino," " Canerio," and " King " maps, and
is labelled " Litus Incognitum." It no doubt indicates,
as they do, the country discovered by Corte Real.
Engroenlandt is seen joined to the North of Europe,
as it was long supposed to be, and as it appears on
several fifteenth- century maps, especially those of
Donnus Nikolaus Germanus.

The other map found is known as the Carta Marina
of Waldseemiiller, 15 16, and is the earliest map of the
chart description extant. Here, again, Greenland is
found correctly outlined as it was in the Cantino map,
but it is now labelled " Terra Laboratoris," although, as
we have seen, Waldseemiiller had placed it on the map
of 1507 and correctly named it Greenland. This is the
first and also the last time that Greenland, correctly
drawn, is called " Terra Laboratoris." It expresses the
error, in its fully developed condition, that Greenland
was the country discovered in 1501 by the Anglo-
Azorean Expedition. The "Cantino" map correctly
depicted Greenland, but did not bestow the name ; the
intervening maps gave the name to an island with a
fanciful outline east of Newfoundland ; it was left to
the designer of the map now under consideration to
suppress this island and label Greenland " Terra Labora-
toris." The " Litus Incognitum" of the 1 507 map is seen
considerably developed, and now embraces the whole
seaboard of Newfoundland and Labrador, from 47° N.
to 59° N., the northern part called " Terra Nova," and
the southern part called Coreati — i.e. Cortreali. This
map, and Kunstman III, are the first to exhibit some
glimmerings of the correct lie of the Newfoundland

64 LABRADOR

and Labrador coasts and their relative position in
regard to Greenland. Not until the end of the sixteenth
century is a better idea of the trend of the Labrador
coast to be found.

The label attached gives more information than is
found on earlier maps. It reads as follows : —

" This land of Corterati was found by order of the
King of Portugal by Caspar Corterati, Captain of two
ships, A.D. 1 501. He was of the opinion that it was
the main land because of the great stretch of coast
extending over 600 miles. It has a number of great
rivers and is well populated. The houses of the in-
habitants are made of long sticks covered with skins.
Their garments are the skins of wild beasts, which they
wear with the fur outside in summer but inside in
winter. They paint their faces. They have no iron
and use instead instruments of stone. There are large
forests of pine trees and many fish, salmon, etc."

The Kunstman IV map, 1520, on the part called
" do Lavrador " bears the following legend : " The Portu-
guese saw this land but did not land there," and on the
part corresponding to Newfoundland called " Bacalaos,"
this inscription : " This land was first discovered by
Caspar Cortereal, Portuguese. He brought from thence
savage men and white bears. Many animals, birds,
and fish are found there. The following year he was
shipwrecked and never returned. His brother Miguel
the year after met the same fate." Which adds proof
to the opinion maintained here that the name Labrador
was not derived from the savages sent back by CorteReal.
In support of this theory may be quoted Thome's letter
to Dr. Leigh, written from Seville in 1527, in which he
says, referring to the dominion of Spain in the New

I I I i>i

From " WaldsecmuUcr Maps" by ki^id permission oj H. Stevens Sons and Stiles
CARTA MARINA, 1516

Facing p. 64

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 65

World : " Which maine land or coast goeth northward
and finisheth in the land that we found, which is called
here Terra de Labrador, so that it appeareth the said
land that we found and the Indies are all one maine
land." From which it is very evident that the position
of Labrador was clearly understood at the time in
Seville, even if the maps were incorrect and vague.

About the middle of the sixteenth century there
flourished in Seville a well-known cosmographer named
Alonso de Santa Cruz, who is described as "expert in
all the arts and mathematics." He had accompanied
Sebastian Cabot on his disastrous voyage to La Plata,
and was later one of the band of scientists to whom was
entrusted the correction of Le Padron General or chart
on which was noted all new discoveries.

There is still extant a manuscript by him which has
never been published. It is entitled El Islario General,
and gives a very good idea of the knowledge possessed
at that time by this celebrated school of geographers.
He says : —

" First, we propose to treat of that land which is
commonly called Labrador, the subject of much dis-
cussion as to whether it is separated from the continent
of Greenland and if it is a continuation of the northern
parts of Europe. Zeigler {Opera omnia 1532) holds
that it is entirely a continuation of Scandinavia.
It is frequented by the English who go there to take
fish which the iiatives catch in great numbers. It is
said that the natives have the same customs as those
of the Province of Poland in Scandinavia. There are
many islands to the south of this land named as
follows : The first is called the ' Isle of Bad Fortune,'
which is situated in an arm of the sea or strait which
passes between Baccalaos and the Island of Labrador.

F

66 LABRADOR

It is called the Island of Bad Fortune because a
Portuguese expedition which went in search of the
Corte Reals suffered a great maritime disaster on
its shores."

From this it will be clearly seen that the relative
positions of Greenland, Labrador, and Newfoundland
were well understood, but whether Labrador was joined
to Greenland and Greenland to Europe had not been
ascertained.

In Richard Eden's translation (i55S) of Peter
Martyr's Decades there are several interesting refer-
ences to Labrador.

" Of the landes of Labrador and Baccalaos, it is said
that many had travelled to Labrador in search of a
passage to Cathay, that Caspar Corte Real had been
there in the year 1500, and had sent back a number of
men as slaves, and that the land of Baccalaos is a
great tract lying to the south of 48 deg."

Quoting Jacobus Gastaldus, a description is given of
Baccalaos and the land of Labrador to the north of
Baccalaos.

Quoting Olanus Gothero, he says : —

" Gruntland, as some say, is fyftie leagues from the
north part of the firme lande of the West Indies, by
the lande of Labrador. But it is not knowen whether
this land be adherent with Gruntland or if there be
any streyght or sea between them."

In Gomara's History of the West Indies we find the
following statement : —

" The north part of the West Indies is in the same
latitude as Iceland. The first two hundred leagues to
Rio Nevado have not been explored ; from Rio Nevado

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CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 67

in lat. 60 the distance is two hundred leagues to Baio
de Maluas ; all this coast is the same 60 deg., and is
called Labrador."

Baio de Maluas, which has been interpreted Bay of
Evil, appears on the Riccardino map of 1534-40 in what
seems to be the Straits of Belle Isle. Rio Nevado, or
Snow River, would therefore be Hudson's Straits, and
the intervening country correctly named Labrador.

But in spite of the fact that writers of the day under-
stood the position of these northern countries, the map
makers continued to confuse Greenland with Labrador.

In the type of map which began with that of Reinel,
and of which the Descliers map, 1546, may be taken as
representative, the southern portion of the coast named
Labrador is undoubtedly our Labrador, but it is a
matter of great question whether the long peninsula
stretching to the eastward is intended for the northern
part of Labrador or for Greenland. It is generally
considered to be the latter, but there are grounds for
supposing that it is Labrador. The variation of the
compass in these latitudes no doubt greatly assisted in
the confusion concerning them. On the coast of New-
foundland the variation is 30°, gradually increasing
until at Hudson's Straits it is 45°.

A vessel sailing to the northward from Newfoundland
sees the Labrador coast apparently opening continually
to the eastward. The course steered until the White
Bear Islands are rounded in 55° is almost N.E. by
compass. After that the general trend of the coast
is north-west, true, but the variation gradually increas-
ing in a manner balances the change of direction of the
coast. Between 57° and 58° there is a notable bend to
the eastward.

It may be remembered that in the narrative of

68 LABRADOR

the Mantuan gentleman Sebastian Cabot is recorded
to have said that, having reached the same latitude,
57°, finding the coast still to turn to the eastward, he
changed his course and sailed to the south.

As the entrance of Hudson's Straits is approached
the land again turns to the east, and the Killinek
Peninsula, of which Cape Chidley is the farther point,
almost drops to the southward of east. Dr. Grenfell, in
making his course to Ungava Baj^ through the Ikke-
rasak or Channel which cuts off the Killinek Peninsula,
actually has to steer a N.N.E. course by compass, while
according to the maps he should have to steer almost
due west.

Taking the other assumption, that the long penin-
sula is Greenland, and allowing for the variation of the
compass at Cape Farewell, which is 52° west, it will be
seen that a vessel approaching Greenland from the
eastward would find that coast, by compass, to lie
almost east and west, with Cape Farewell pointing to
America, in the following manner : —

instead of this, as will be found in the Deslien map

1^ X)^tUi.i\:i Hup

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 69

If the variation of the compass, therefore, in one case
would cause Labrador to stretch to the eastward, in the
other case it would cause Cape Farewell to point to
the west instead of to the east as these maps show it.
It may therefore be concluded that the idea of the
real Labrador preponderated when these maps were
drawn.

On a map preserved in the Hydrographical Depart-
ment in Paris of Portuguese origin, and supposed to
have been drawn about the year 1550, the outline of
" Terra do laurador " is shown somewhat similar to the
Deslien map, but on it Greenland is also shown in its
proper place.

The names which appear on the quasi-Labrador
coast of these maps are nearly all of Portuguese origin,
and cannot now be either explained or located. The
following list is taken from the Deslien map, quoting
from Mr. Harrisse's Decoiiverte de T^erre Neuve. The
Deslien map was drawn in Dieppe, the names are
therefore French or French adaptations from the Portu-
guese. Such meanings are given as can be ascertained.

Terre septentrionale inconnue. The unknown northern land.

I. rlayne.

I.

2. B de caramello.

2. Bay of Ice.

3. C de terre firme.

3. Cape of Mainland.

4. Mer de France.

4. Sea of France.

5. Terre de Laborador.

5. Land of Labrador.

6. R de C.

6.

7. G de P.

7-

8. R Grande.

8. Grand River.

9. G de Anurado.

9. Gulf of Forests.

10. Gandra.

10.

II. Redonda.

II. Round (Island).

12. Ys de maio.

12.

13. Reparo.

13. Gulf of Repairs.

14. Costa.

14. (Straight) Coast.

70 LABRADOR

Terre septentrionale inconnue.

The unknown northern land.

15. C de terre firme.

15. Cape of Mainland.

16. Ys de loupes marins.

16. Island of Seals.

17. Angos.

17-

18. Cirnes.

18.

19. Argillur.

19. Clay.

20. Y de barres.

20. Island of Shoals.

21. B du prassel.^

2 1 . Bay of the Little Pig

(porcupine).

22. R de pecje.

22. River of Fishes.

23. B oscura.

23. Dark Bay.

24. Terra de Johan vaz.

24. Land of Joao Vaz (Corte

Real).

25. C de bassis.

25. Low Cape.

26. Manuel.

26.

27. B de Manuel.

27.

28. B de Serra.

28. Bay of Mountains.

29. Tous saints.

29. All Saints.

30. Terre ursos.

30. Land of Bears.

31. Pracell.^

31. Porcupine

32. Mallie.

32. Evil.

33. de Mallu.

33. Bay of Misfortune.

34. Praia.

34. Meadow of Plains.

35. B du Brandon.

35. Bay of Brandon.

36. B du baudeon.

36.

37. R dulce.

37. Sweet River.

38. R Dulce.

38. Sweet River.

39. Canada.

39. Canada.

40. G froit.

40. Cold Gulf.

41. Carame^l

41. Ice.

42. Forest.

42. Forest.

43. P de Gama,

43. Point of the Deer.

44. Chasteaux.

44. Castle Bay.

45. Blanc Sablon.

45. White Sand.

46. Brest.

46. Harbour of Brest,

47. Jacques Cartier.

47. Harbour of Jacques

Cartier.

The principal fact revealed by a close study of these
maps is that the whole east coast of Newfoundland and

^ Numbers of porcupines are found on Labrador,

CARTOGRAPHICAL EVOLUTION 71

Labrador had been traversed within a very few years
after their discovery by Cabot. It is not possible
to attribute to each voyager the particular portion of
coast explored by him, but perhaps the following may
be as good a conjecture as any other which has been
offered.

John Cabot, in 1497, probably made land on the east
coast of Newfoundland, and coasted some distance
northward before setting out on his return journey.

The significance of the name " Bacalieu," borne
by the island at the mouth of Conception Bay, does
not seem to have been properly appreciated. It was
the name which Cabot is said to have bestowed on
the countries found by him, and first appears on the
Oliveriano map of 1503.

In 1498 Cabot probably extended his explorations
considerably, both north and south.

Corte Real, in 1500, saw some part of the northern
Labrador Coast. In 1501 he landed at Notre Dame
Bay and explored the whole east coast of Newfound-
land. The natives he sent to Portugal had in their
possession a broken sword handle and silver rings of
Venetian manufacture, which could only have been
obtained from Cabot's second expedition.

In this same year, 1501, the Anglo- Azorean expedi-
tion visited Labrador, bestowed the name, and took
three Eskimos to England. Some members of this
expedition had previously sailed with Cabot.

In 1503 Miguel Corte Real's expedition probably
ranged the whole coast of Newfoundland and Labrador
in the search for Caspar Corte Real. Joao Fernandez,
the discoverer of Labrador, probably accompanied this
expedition, or that of 1504, which was despatched from
Portugal for the same purpose.

72 LABRADOR

In 1508 Sebastian Cabot and Sir Thomas Pert
sailed along the Labrador Coast into Hudson's Straits,
and possibly still farther north, then turning south they
coasted down the entire North American coast.

English, French and Portuguese fishermen at once
began to ply their calling in the waters of the New
World, the former apparently frequenting more par-
ticularly the coast of Labrador.

CHAPTER VI
JACQUES CARTIER

THE discovery of the Gulf of St. Lawrence is
generally attributed to Jacques Cartier, but it
would be undoubtedly more correct to say that he first
explored it and made it known, as there is good
evidence for the belief that he only followed up the
discoveries of his own fellow countrymen the Bretons.

Prior to Cartier's voyage in 1534, however, the Gulf
of St. Lawrence is not shown on any map.

It has always been a matter of regret to students
that the letters patent or commission granted to
Cartier by Francis I has been lost. Many writers
think that the object of his voyage was to find a
passage to China and the East, but as he makes no
reference to them in his narrative it seems rather to
have been intended for the exploration of the " New-
lands" already found, and which are referred to in the
narratives of his voyages as being the eastern parts of
Asia.

Some indication of the purport of his voyage can be
obtained from the declaration he made before the Pro-
curateur of St; Malo, on March 19th, 1533. He was at
that time endeavouring to secure ships and men, " hav-
ing charge to voyage and go into Newlands and pass the
Strait of the Bay of Chatteaux," but found himself con-
tinually balked by his fellow citizens who designed " to

73

74 LABRADOR

carry away and conduct a number of ships of the town
to the said parts of Newlands for their particular profit,
who have concealed and cause to be concealed the said
shipmasters, master mariners and seamen, that by
this means the undertaking and will of the said lord
(Francis I) are wholly frustrated."

Upon this complaint the Procurateur decreed that
no ships were to leave port until Cartier had selected
those which he required. It will be seen from this that
Cartier intended " to pass the Straits of the Bay of
Chatteaux," now the " Straits of Belle Isle," and it is
therefore evident that the Gulf of St. Lawrence must
have been known at least in part, or else this body of
water would not have been described as a Strait. As
both Bretons and Basques were in the habit of resort-
ing to the Straits regularly for the whale fishery, it
would seem impossible that they should not have been
drawn some considerable distance within the Gulf.

The St. Malouins also showed, by their endeavours
to block Cartier's designs, that they valued the fishery
very highly, and did not wish him to intrude upon their
private preserves in the Gulf of St. Lawrence,

This is the first extant reference to " Chateau," and it
will be noticed that it is spoken of as a place well known,
although it does not appear on any map until the
Harleyan Map of about 1543. It is not known, there-
fore, who bestowed this very appropriate name, the huge
mass of basalt, which caps an island in the bay, with its
perpendicular cliffs, rectangular shape and flat top hav-
ing all the appearance of a Norman keep.

Hitherto we have only been able to record that
voyages were made to Labrador without being able to
tell what places in particular were visited, but fortun-
ately a contemporary, if not the original manuscript of

JACQUES CARTIER 75

Cartier's first voyage, is still preserved, and we are able
to trace his course from day to day with almost perfect
certainty.

On the lOth May, 1534, he arrived at Cape Bonavista,
and as there was a good deal of ice on the coast he
went into the harbour of St. Katherine, now Catalina,
and remained ten days. Evidently these places were
then well known by name, although no maps prior
to 1534 now exist which show them. From there
Cartier directed his course to the Isle of Birds (now the
Funks) where two of his boats loaded with great auks,
a practice which continued until the species was exter-
minated in the early part of the nineteenth century.

On May 27th he arrived at Chateau Bay on the
Labrador coast, which was probably the port he
intended to have first made, but found so much ice
about that he returned to the Newfoundland shore and
harboured at Rapont, or Carpont (nov/ Ouirpon). This
name again bears witness to the voyages of the Bretons
to the coast, as there are several small localities in
Brittany named "Carpunt." Here he was ice-bound
for nine days. When able to get out of the harbour he
returned to Chateau, and from thence coasted westward
through the Straits, touching at Hable des Buttes
(Greenish Hr.), Hable de Balleine (Red Bay), and
Blanc Sablon,^ which still bears the name, although
it was apparently not bestowed by Cartier as some
authors have stated. Passing ITsle de Bouays (Woody
Island) and ITsle des Ouaiseaulx (Greenly Island), he
came to Islettes (Bradore Bay) and notes that "there
great fishing is done."

^ Blanc Sablon is said to be so named on account of its sandy beach,
but it may be something more than a coincidence that there is a bay of
the same name within a few miles of Brest in France.

76 LABRADOR

On June loth he harboured at Brest, now Old Fort
Bay. Leaving" his vessels to take in wood and water,
he went in his boats some distance to the westward,
and passing by so many islands on his way he named
the locality " Toutes Isles," While on this journey he
met a ship from Rochelle, the captain of which asked
to be directed to Brest, where he intended to do his
fishing. From which incident it is clearly seen that
Brest was not so called by Cartier, as has been often
stated, but was known by name and frequented by the
Bretons before his time.

Proceeding along the coast in his boats he explored
harbour after harbour, with the excellence of which he
was much struck. One in particular, which he named
Jacques Cartier Harbour, he considered "one of the good
harbours of the world." But of the country he gave the
same unflattering opinion as the Norsemen had done.
He says : —

"If the land was as good as the harbors there
are, it would be an advantage, but it should not be
named the New land but (the land) of stones and rocks,
frightful and ill-shaped, for in all the said north coast 1
did not find a cartload of earth though I landed in
many places. Except at Blanc Sablon there is noth-
ing but moss and stunted wood ; in short, I deem
rather than otherwise that it is the land God gave to
Cain. There are people in the said land who are well
enough in body, but they are wild and savage folks.
They have their hair tied upon their heads in the
fashion of a fistful of hay trussed up and a nail or some
other thing passed through it, and therein they stick
some feathers of birds. They clothe themselves with
skins of beasts, both men and women, but the women
are closer and tighter in the said skins and girded about

JACQUES CARTIER 77

the body. They paint themselves with certain tawny
colours. They have boats in which they go by the sea,
which are made of the bark of the birch trees, where-
with they fish a good many seals. Since having seen
them 1 am sure this is not their abode, and that they
come from warmer lands in order to take the said seals
and other things for their living."

Commentators have not been able to agree as to
the particular race of Indians here described. The
description is certainly not applicable to the Eskimos,
whom Cartier was most likely to have encountered on
the Labrador coast, and from its place in the narrative
it seems improbable that he could have intended it for
the Beothuks, the unfortunate inhabitants of Newfound-
land. It therefore seems most likely that he met on
this boat voyage the Montaignais Indians, who always
came down to the coast at that season of the year, and
he naturally described those he had last seen.

On June 13th Cartier returned to Brest, sailed
thence to Newfoundland, along which he coasted south,
crossed over to the Cape Breton shore, and then sailed
northerly until he had made the complete circuit of the
Gulf of St. Lawrence, and thus prepared the way for
his great discovery of the river St. Lawrence on his
next voyage. He left Blanc Sablon on August 15th to
return to France, and, in spite of being delayed in the
Strait three days by head winds, he arrived at St. Malo
on September 5th — a good voyage for modern times.

It is not inappropriate here to comment upon the
misunderstanding as to the situation of Brest which so
long obtained, and which was finally settled by Dr.
Samuel E. Dawson in an able paper read by him before
the Royal Society of Canada on May 24th, 1905. On
all the early maps, right up to the beginning of the

78 LABRADOR

nineteenth century, the ancient harbour of Brest was
properly located at Old Fort Bay. On the map of
Lieutenant Michael Lane, 1790, the two names are
bracketed together and correctly placed, so it seems
strange that any misunderstanding could have arisen.

There had been published in London, in 1638, a book
called the Merchants' Moppe of Commerce, which, to-
gether with other erroneous information about the
New World, contains a description of Terra Corterealis,
the chief town of which was Brest, the residence of the
Governor, Almoner, and other public officers, and from
which the French exported large quantities of fish, oil,
and furs. This seems to have been repeated in other
publications, and finally a tradition was established
that Brest had been a city of importance which fell into
decay in the seventeenth century. A Mr. Samuel
Robertson, who lived upon the coast about 1840,
apparently misled by this tradition, was at some
pains to find the remains of a city and finally located
some ruins in Bradore Bay, which he estimated to have
represented about two hundred houses, and concluded
that he had discovered the ancient town of Brest.

He wrote a paper to the Historical Society of
Quebec giving this information, which was accepted
without challenge, and consequently historians ever
since have located Brest at Bradore, and have spoken of
it as a town of importance. Dr. Samuel E. Dawson,
however, points out that Brest was never anything but
a harbour much frequented during the summer season
in the sixteenth century ; that probably there was
never any settlement there beyond, perhaps, a block-
house with a few men to guard any boats or fishing
material which may have been left behind each winter ;
that Brest is not even mentioned by Jehan Alphonse in

JACQUES CARTIER 79

1542, by Champlain in 1610, nor by Charlevoix in 1740,
who described the coast minutely, nor is there any
reference to it in the Jesuit Relations, nor in the Edits
et Ordonnances of Quebec. This evidence may be con-
sidered absolutely conclusive. The ruins found by Mr.
Samuel Robertson were undoubtedly those of Fort
Pontchartrain and the settlement made by Legardeur
de Courtmarche, who obtained a grant of the coast in
1702.

Brest seems to have been a favourite scene for
mythical episodes. In the Lennox Library in New
York there is a unique volume entitled Coppie dvne
Lettre e7ivoyee de la Nauvelle France ov Canada, par le
Sieur des Combes. It was printed in 1609, and purports
to have been written at Brest in Canada, February
13th, 1608. The following translation, as given by Dr.
Samuel E. Dawson, will be found very amusing. It will
be seen at once that the narrative is entirely fabulous
and about on a par with Gulliver's voyage to Lilliput : —

Copy of a Letter sent frojn New France, or
Canada, by the Sieztr des Combes, a Gentleman
of Poitozt, to a Friend, in which are Described
Briefly the Marvels, Excellence, and V/ealth of
the Country, Together zvith the Appearance and
Manners of the Inhabitants, the Glory of the
French, and the Hope there is of Christianising
America.

Sir, — Since want of time and the condition of my
fortune debar me from the means of seeing you per-
sonally, and that my destiny has relegated me to foreign
lands, I will try at least to visit you now by a letter,
and to direct my thoughts to France in a visit to my

8o LABRADOR

own country, my parents, and those with whom during
my early years I contracted the ties of close friendship,
and among whom you hold the first rank, for I have
always especially esteemed your worth. The only thorn
which troubles my rest and prevents me from settling
my inclinations in the satisfaction flowing from our
conquests and our triumphs, is being deprived of the
conversation of my friends, and finding myself now, so
to say, torn in as many parts as there are objects of
affection, and that those objects are to me so dear. I
would sustain with more patience this voluntary exile,
and the remembrance of the charms of Europe would
not so often trouble my resolution, seeing that now my
circumstances are changed into an abode in these dis-
agreeable, wild, and uncivilized lands ; but I am now
realizing to my cost what it is to be separated from
those whom one loves, and to endure the pain of such
a long absence without hope of even seeing any change
in my lot. But after all it is the result of my own
inconsistency and youth, and, as I have thrown the die,
I must alone meet the result. However that may be,
I beg you to believe that I have erected an altar in my
heart upon which I offer every day vows and bene-
dictions in recollection of your worth, and I cherish in
my memory the pleasures of our former enjoyments.
I think that if I had not found this remedy to alleviate
my reminiscences I could not have endured the distress
that these memories threw over all my energies, but,
at last, I have learned by this means to soften their
pain, and these solaces are so pleasant that I gather
them as roses and flowers, overspread with contentment
so great that it creates for me a paradise of enjoyment
and is the delight of my life. The sorrows of absence
would yet be endurable if, after a certain length of
time, I could secure news from you ; but since my

JACQUES CARTIER 8i

departure from France my ill-fortune has been such
that I have been without any, and I can in no way
learn how you are nor the state of your affairs, except
in imagination, and I know very well that such im-
aginations are deceitful. That would afford a new
charm to quicken the ardour of my desires, but seeing
that my unfortunate situation forbids it, I leave the
whole to chance and hazard, both in giving you a
description of New France and in asking you to let
us know what is going on in the old one ; and if a fair
wind carries my letter to you, I beg that you will
recognize this mark of my affection and accept in good
part what I say of events on this side, until history
records, in detail, all those facts for your better in-
formation.

You must know that after our departure from
Rochelle, which was on April 13th, 1604, under the
direction of the Sieur de Bricaut, a man equally ex-
perienced as a captain on sea and on land (as the facts
prove) as much so as any one I have ever known either
by reputation or otherwise, we pursued our way on the
high sea with a fair wind until the 24th of the said
month, when at two o'clock in the afternoon, when we
were near Maida Islands, about the 3rd degree of
longitude and the 24th of latitude, there arose a north-
east wind very strong and vexatious with storm and
tempest, separating our vessels and raising the sea with
such fury that we thought we were lost, and that our
destiny was to be wrecked on the spot ; but God, whose
will was to reserve our lives for a more glorious occasion,
showed that He had ordered otherwise in His Divine
Justice, because after wind and tempest had frothed out
their malice during two hours, at four o'clock in the
afternoon they ceased and the waves calmed down.
Then we commenced to examine the Islands, and we

82 LABRADOR

took refuge there to recuperate and rest during three
days, as well as to wait for some of our vessels which
had gone astray, as to repair two of them whose sides
had been opened by the great strain they had sustained.

After three days at that place we raised anchor the
28th, at seven o'clock in the morning, and spreading all
sails we steered away towards Isle Verde, but just as
we thought to approach it there came a north wind
which, after blowing furiousl)'- against us for a day and
a half, drove us to the Azores, where in the immediate
vicinity we met a fleet of Spanish vessels. They
attempted to bar our passage, but after a few light
attacks we passed along.

I would describe to you in detail the nature of these
Islands, their situation, and the manner of life of the
people, but as I have only undertaken to tell you of
New France and of what is going on there, I will pass
over the rest and will say nothing more than that the
climate is fairly agreeable, and that they are very fine
Islands, well peopled, of which Spain holds the great
part. I will not, therefore, say any more on this
subject, except that after numerous encounters, fortunes
and perils (not here related for the sake of brevity), we
arrived at Cape Bellile the twenty-seventh of the month
of August of the year 1605, about three o'clock of the
afternoon : this Cape is one of the finest that exists in
all the ocean, and especially in the northern sea ; and
you should know that there are two large rocks a
gunshot's length into the sea, and then they meet in
a crescent on the south side, so that one might suppose
that Nature had set herself to build a port as safe
and more beautiful than any which human skill could
produce. A league and a half from there is a small
town named Surfe, inhabited since a long time by the
French. We made acquaintances there and received

JACQUES CARTIER 83

great courtesies from the inhabitants, and were made
very welcome.

This place is the beginning of Canada, but we did
not want to prolong our sojourn there because we
desired first to go and see the Sieur du Dongeon, who
is governor, and resides ordinarily at Brest, the prin-
cipal town of the whole country, well provisioned, large
and well fortified, peopled by about fifty thousand men,
and furnished with all that is necessary to enrich a good
sized town ; it is distant from Surfe about fifty leagues.

Our voyage so far was more favourable than the
sequel, for having sailed the eleventh of December, so
soon as we were in the open sea about six leagues, a
north wind arose Vv^hich struck us with such violence
that in less than twenty-four hours we were thrown
on the land of Baccalaos, partly owned by the Spaniards,
partly by the inhabitants of the country ; but fortune
was so favourable that we were pushed in a little strait
in the corner of an island under great trees closely
resembling oaks, except that their leaves are like cab-
bage leaves, and they bear a fruit similar to oranges,
which is very good and delicate, with a taste most
delicious and agreeable. While we were there riding
at anchor some of our men, animated by curiosity to
know who were the inhabitants of that island, roamed
amongst the trees and walked about two miles before
finding anything. Then proceeding further, they saw
in the woods a few huts covered with foliage, and in
the vicinity some men who seemed to cary arms and
were patrolling around the huts. Our folks stopped
a moment in order to ascertain what they v/ere doing.
Soon after came to them two tall men, like semi-giants,
armed with scales of fishes, and each carrying a big
club in his hands bristling with iron nails, and weighing
about eighty pounds. At the first approach they began

84 LABRADOR

to quarrel with these poor people, and in less than no
time threw ten or twelve of them on the ground before
they had time to put themselves on their guard ; upon
which the people began to beat upon a sort of wood
unknown to me, and made such a noise that the whole
forest resounded. Then, joining together in defence to
the number of about five hundred, and with a sort of
crossbows gave chase to these monsters, who neverthe-
less carried off some plunder in their flight.

Our men, seeing the awkwardness at arms of these
poor Barbarians, became more bold and, showing them-
selves to them, fired three or four discharges of musketry,
which so surprised them that they did not know where
they were, and they were preparing to flee when some
of our men advanced towards them and made signs to
them to have no fear and that no harm would be done
to any of them.

On this assurance they assembled, and, after a long
deliberation, they placed their king on a small chariot
with four wheels and the four most good looking drew
it marching in the direction of the men, making signs
to drop their arms. The arms being lowered the king
kissed the Sieur de Fougeres, who was the most distin-
guished looking of the lot, and told him through his
interpreter that if they wished to remain in the country
he would furnish them with subsistence and land, and,
taking a great collar of precious stones that he wore
around his neck, he gave it to the Sieur de Fougeres, and
afterwards that same collar was estimated at more than
one hundred and fifty thousand ecus ($75,000). Then
after having studied the disposition and appearance of
our folks, and finding them so dexterous and gracious
compared to themselves, the Barbarians remained
ravished and wanted to worship them like gods, making
signs that if they wished to go with them they would

JACQUES CARTIER 85

be recognized as kings and emperors of all their lands
which are very extensive and rich, but our people made
reply that they were only human beings and no more
than themselves, and that there was in heaven an im-
mortal and Almighty God, and that they all ought to
worship Him with devotion. Then they threw them-
selves on their knees, and, stamping with joy and with
eyes elevated to heaven, they commenced to sing hymns
of joy in their language. Then as the wind rose they
ran away in all directions, so that in less than no time
our men were left alone without knowing the cause of
such a sudden alarm.

After that our people returned to the vessels and told
all that they had seen, and we remained surprised, won-
dering at the mercy of God and magnitude of His
works, as well as the simplicity of those poor beings
which renders them a hundred times more happy in
their brutish state than we are with all our pride and
pomposity.

We were almost on the point of taking the risk of
seizing the country, seeing the road open before us and
almost inviting us to enter ; but after consultation, fore-
seeing the perils that we might meet with, we refrained
and postponed the attempt to another time. Still the
country is beautiful, rich, productive, with an infinity of
fine fruits, many precious stones and [about last half of
line missing, clipped by binder] which makes it very
wealthy. I believe that less than five hundred men
could get possession of it, and thus make one of the
best conquests possible. The French will consider this
matter, and meantime I will proceed with the narrative
of our voyage.

After resting for a day and a half, we raised anchor,
and taking the route of St. Lawrence Island we were
again thwarted and had to land on a small island called

86 LABRADOR

Les Chasses, where we remained a fortnight before we
could sail again. We found there small grains of pure-
gold mixed with the sand, so much that some of our
men gathered more than thirty pounds of it, and plenty
of coral and layet (jaiet) which grow there in great
abundance. Following again the same route we made
so swift a course that on November 5 we arrived at
Brest, where we received a hearty welcome with the
most magnificent entertainment we could desire, both
from the Sieur de Dongeon and all the other inhabi-
tants. After resting for a short time we were employed
in the war they were waging against the people of
Bofragara, on the other side of the river Anacal which
divides their lands ; but before entering further upon an
account of that war, I wish to say something of the
situation of the country and the manners of these New
Frenchmen.

Firstly, you must know that Canada is a very beauti-
ful country, large and pleasant, bounded on the north
by the river Anacal, on [about first half of line missing,
clipped by binder] Northern Ocean, on the sunset by
the mountains of Gales, and on the south by the terri-
tories of Chillaga. The principal towns are Brest,
Hanguedo, Canada, Hochilago, Foquelay, Turquas,
Brinon, Bonara, Forniset, Grossot, and Horsago, Poquet,
Tarat, and Fongo, all large towns, and well provided.
The rivers are Anacal, which is a great river, Saguenay,
Bargat, Druce, and Boucorre, the least of them being
larger than the Seine, besides an infinity of other
streams. The Kingdom of Canada is about three hun-
dred leagues in length and one hundred and fifty broad,
of a fair enough temperature, except that it is a little
colder than France, being placed under the 50th degree
of latitude and 320th degree of longitude. It is very
fertile, flat, full of all sorts of trees, except that it pro-

JACQUES CARTIER 87

duces no wine, but in compensation there are certain
apples, marvellously big and full of a certain juice very-
delicate and which intoxicates as much as wine. There
is, however, wine there, and very good and delicate,
which is brought from Florida, a warmer country where
they produce much of it. As for wheat of all kinds
the country is as fertile as France itself, and there is a
certain class of wheat named Trive which is whiter than
the French species, and better, more savoury, yielding a
very sweet flour with a smell nearly like the violet. It is
only necessary to plough the land once and to sow, and
I can assure you that from a bushel of this Trive you
will get more than thirtyfold without any admixture of
grass or other weeds to spoil it. I cannot describe to
you the fertility of the country both in wheat, in other
sorts of fruits and things necessary to manhood, as well
as in other kinds of merchandise, drapery, silk, and
wool. To sum up in a word, I believe it is some
promised land, and that the simplicity of its inhabitants
brings on it the benediction of heaven, because without
excess of labour and without hard work to make a
living, such as we do in Europe, they have all things in
abundance.

Now, to show you the nature of those who reside here,
you must know that they are very fine men, white as
snow ; they allow their hair to grow down to the waist,
men or women, with high foreheads, the eyes burning
like candles, tall in body and well proportioned. The
women also are very beautiful and pleasing, well formed
and delicate, so much that with the style of their dress,
which is somewhat strange, they seem to be nymphs or
goddesses. They are very tractable and gentle, but
would rather be killed than consent to their own dis-
honour, and they have only connection with their
husbands.

88 LABRADOR

As regards their manner of living in other respects
they are brutish, but they are commencing to be civi-
lized and to adopt our ways and deportment ; they are
easy to teach in the Christian Faith without showing
much obstinacy in their paganism, so much so, that if
some teacher were to visit them I think that in a short
time the whole of the country would turn to the Chris-
tian Faith without much effort, and I think also by that
means the road would be open all over America for the
conquest of souls, which is more important than all the
territories that can ever be conquered.

It should be known that we hold a large extent of
country as Frenchmen, and that we have undertaken the
conquest of the Atares, which is one of the richest por-
tions of Canada, and where mines of gold and silver are
in great abundance, and which are very rich. All along
the riversides even are to be found something like small
nuggets of fine gold, many precious stones, diamonds
and other wealth. The people there are cruel and war-
like and give us much trouble. We want badly some
help from France, and I think Mons. du Dongeon has
written to the King to that effect, and I tell you that if
we receive help we shall have the upper hand of them,
and will perform such deeds that the memory will go
down to posterity and the glory of Frenchmen will live
forever in all America.

This is briefly what I can write you for the present,
as I have not been long enough in the country to know
all its singularities, and I beg you to be satisfied with
this little until time and experience have furnished me
the means to add to my informxation and enable me to
describe to you at full length the merits of such a fine
conquest. I promise and assure you that, France being
excepted, Canada is one of the most beautiful and
agreeable countries that you can either see or desire,

JACQUES CARTIER 89

and I would even dare to prefer it to France as to riches
and resources, both for gold and silver as well as for
other necessaries of life, and all that without much pain
and work as you have generally. Please take this
meagre budget of news in good part.
Sir, as coming from

Your most affectionate servant,

Des Combes.

From Brest in Canada,

this 13th February, 1608.

Leon Savine, master printer, permission to print the
present copy of letter, v/ith interdiction to any others in
such case required.

Jacques Cartier made a second voyage in 1535 ; again
entering the Gulf of St. Lawrence by the Straits of
Belle Isle and harbouring in Blanc Sablon. On this
momentous voyage he ascended the St. Lawrence as
far as the present Montreal, and returned leaving the
Gulf by the Cabot Straits to the south of New-
foundland.

It is said {Documents Aiithentiques de la Marine
Normande, by E. Gossilin) that after 1527 there was
a notable decline in the pursuit of the fisheries in
the New World by the fishermen of Normandy, and
that it did not revive until after the voyage of Roberval
and Cartier in 1541. It seems certain, however, that
Cartier's fellow-townsmen, the St. Malouins, continued
to make yearly voyages, their objective point being
nearly always the south coast of Labrador in the
Straits of Belle Isle. On Cartier's third voyage (1541)
he made the harbour of Carpunt to the north of New-
foundland, and proceeded through the Straits to his
destination. He wintered near the mouth of the St.

go LABRADOR

Lawrence, and after enduring great hardships, departed
in the spring of 1542 to return to France, Entering
the harbour of St. John's, Newfoundland, he found
there, to his great surprise, Roberval with three ships,
who had failed in the previous year to follow him
across the Atlantic, as had been intended. Roberval
wished Cartier to return with him to the St. Lawrence,
but Cartier had had enough of it, and slipping away in
the night, returned to France. Roberval continued his
journey via the Straits of Belle Isle, and made his
disastrous attempt to found a colony. The only inci-
dent of his journey which need concern us is the
romantic story which was related b}^ Marguerite of
Navarre in her Heptameron (1559), and by Thevet
in his Cosmographic Universelle (1586). It is also
retold by Park man (^Pioneers of France in the Netv
World) in the following vivid and picturesque manner: —

" The Viceroy's company was of mixed complexion.
There were nobles, soldiers, sailors, adventurers, with
women too, and children. Of the women, some were
of birth and station, and among them a damsel called
Marguerite, a niece of Roberval himself In the ship
was a young gentleman who had embarked for love of
her. His love was too well requited ; and the stern
Viceroy, scandalized and enraged at a passion which
scorned concealment and set shame at defiance, cast
anchor by the haunted island, landed his indiscreet
relative, gave her four arquebuses for defence, and with
an old Norman nurse named Bastienne, who had pan-
dered to the lovers, left her to her fate. Her gallant
threw himself into the surf, and by desperate effort
gained the shore, with two more guns and a supply
of ammunition.

"The ship weighed anchor, receded, vanished, and they

JACQUES CARTIER 91

were left alone. Yet not so, for the demon lords of the
islands beset them day and night, raging around their
hut with a confused and hungry clamoring, striving
to force their frail barrier. The lovers had repented of
their sin, though not abandoned it, and heaven was on
their side. The saints vouchsafed their aid, and the
offended Virgin, relenting, held before them her pro-
tecting shield. In the form of beasts or other shapes
abominably and unutterably hideous, the brood of hell,
howling in baffled fury, tore at the branches of the
sylvan dwelling; but a celestial hand was ever inter-
posed, and there was a viewless barrier which they
might not pass. Marguerite became pregnant. Here
was a double prize, two souls in one, mother and child.
The fiends grew frantic, but all in vain. She stood
undaunted amid these horrors ; but her lover, dismayed
and heartbroken, sickened and died. Her child soon
followed ; then the old Norman nurse found her unhal-
lowed rest in that accursed soil, and Marguerite was
left alone. Neither her reason nor her courage failed.
When the demons assailed her she shot at them with
her gun, but they answered with hellish merriment, and
henceforth she placed her trust in hea.ven alone. There
were foes around her of the upper, no less than of
the nether world. Of these, the bears were the most
redoubtable ; yet, being vulnerable to mortal weapons,
she shot three of them, all, says the story, 'as white as
an egg.'

" It was two years and five months from her landing
on the island, when, far out at sea, the crew of a small
fishing craft saw a column of smoke curling upward
from the haunted shore. Was it a device of the fiends
to lure them to their ruin ? They thought so, and kept
aloof. But misgiving seized them. They warily drew

92 LABRADOR

near, and descried a female figure in wild attire
waving signals from the strand. Thus at length was
Marguerite rescued and restored to her native France,
w^here, a few years later, the cosmographer Thevet met
her at Natron in Perigord, and heard the tale of wonder
from her own lips."

The scene of this strange and romantic story was one
of the islands to the western end of the Straits of Belle
Isle on the Labrador coast. Jehan Alphonse, Roberval's
pilot, in his Routier, lays down the Isles de la
Demoiselle, no doubt named from this circumstance, at
about the position of Great or Little Mecatina.

In February, 1541, no less than sixty vessels left
ports in Normandy for the transatlantic fisheries, and
until 1545 the business was continued with great vigour.
After that it was discontinued until .1560, when it took
another start, and thirty-eight vessels left for the " New
lands." In 1564 there was apparently some intention
of the French Crown to revive the project of coloniza-
tion in New France, but for some reason the design
was abandoned, and it was not until 1597 that it was
again seriously undertaken. We, however, have the
evidence of Parkhurst and Haies to the effect that the
French fishermen were numerous on the south coast of
Newfoundland, and in the " Grand Bay " in the last
quarter of the sixteenth century.

CHAPTER VII

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA IN THE
SIXTEENTH CENTURY

WHETHER the English did or did not, at once
and ever afterwards, make good the discoveries
of Cabot, by use and occupation of the countries he
found, has long been a matter of controversy.

In Prowse's Histoiy of Newfou7idland, 1896, a full
and continual possession of the land is claimed from
the very first. On the other hand, in Decouverte de
Terre Neuve, Harrisse, 1900, it is argued that not only
was Newfoundland not discovered by Cabot, but that
it, as well as the neighbouring coasts, were not
frequented by the English to the same extent as by
other nations, and in fact were ^une qiLaritite negligeable'
for Englishmen until the Treaty of Utrecht, 171 3.

The dispute is an old one. The industrious Hakluyt,
in the Epistle Dedicatorie to his Divers Voyages says : —

" When I passed the narrow seas into France, I
both heard in speech and read in books, other nations
miraculously extolled for their discoveries and notable
enterprises by sea and land, but the English of all
others, for their sluggish security and continual neglect
of the like attempts, especially in so long and happy
a time of peace, either ignominiously reported or
exceedingly condemmed. Thus both hearing and
reading the obloquie of our nation and finding few or

93

94 LABRADOR

none of our own men able to reply therein . . . myself
determined to undertake the burden of that worke."

And it is certain that very little could be done to
uphold the honour of England in this respect did we
not have Hakluyt's great collection of voyages as a
foundation to build upon. The controversy revived
again nearly two hundred years later. By the Treaty
of Utrecht, 171 3, in regard to the Newfoundland
Fisheries, it was declared that Spain should enjoy such
rights qnce jure tibi vindicare poterunt — " as they were
to prove by law " ; but as England always denied
any such rights, Spain obtained very little satisfaction
from the permission. When peace was being negotiated
with France in 1761, the proceedings were suddenly
stopped by the intrusion of Spain, with a renewed
claim of right to fish in Nevv'foundland waters, which
claim received the full endorsation of the French. But
their demands were dismissed with scant ceremony by
Pitt. In a letter to the English Ambassador at Madrid,
he writes : —

" As to the stale and inadmissable pretensions of
Biscayans and Guipuscoans to iish at Newfoundland,
you will let it be clearly understood that this is a matter
held sacred, and that no concession on the part of His
Majesty, so destructive to the true and capital interest
of Great Britain will be yielded to Spain, however
abetted and supported."

The English Ambassador wrote in reply to Pitt : —
" As to the second Article, containing the claim so
often set up by the Biscayans and Guipuscoans to fish
at Newfoundland and as often denied by England,
I had in the clearest terms I could make use of, showed
that the first discovery of the Island was made at

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 95

the expense and by the command of Henry VII, and I
had likewise demonstrated the uninterrupted possession
of it from that time to the presetit date to have be-
longed to the English from their being constantly settled
there."

The controversy ended in renewed war with Spain
and France, in which England achieved instant success,
and by the Treaty of Paris, 1763, the sovereignty of
England was declared over Newfoundland and Canada,
including Labrador ; but unhappily saddled in respect
to Newfoundland, with a permission to the French
to fish on certain parts of the coast. A weak-kneed
concession which caused even the poet Cowper, from
amongst his cats and old ladies, to exclaim, " One
more such Peace and we are undone," and which was a
constant source of friction until it was cancelled by
purchase in 1904.

The number of voyages actually made or projected
by the English in the first quarter of the sixteenth
century is proof that the English Sovereigns did not
lose sight of the valuable discoveries made by Cabot ;
but except for the disastrous voyage of Master Hore
in 1536, so quaintly related by Hakluyt, there is abso-
lutely no record of any English voyage there for nearly
forty years. This does not prove, however, that no
voyages took place, and we can be certain for many
reasons, which will be amply demonstrated, that had
there been records kept in England as there were in
France, it would have been found that a continual
stream of fishing vessels left the western parts of
England for the " newe founde lands."

Labrador in particular was assigned to the English
by map-makers and geographers of the Continent. The
Maggiolo map of 151 1 bears the legend across its most

96 LABRADOR

northerly part, undoubtedly intended for Labrador :
" Terra de los Ingres " — the land of the English — and
is the first map to associate the English with that
region. On Thome's map of 1527 we find the following
legends : " Nova Terra Laboratorum dicta," and on the
ocean bordering this country, " Terra haec ab Inglis
primum fuit inventa." Thorne addressed a memorial to
Henry VIII from Seville exhorting him to undertake
voyages of exploration to the northern regions, " to his
own glory and his subjects' profit . . . for that you have
already taken it in hand." Hakluyt thinks this refers to
the supposed voyage of 15 17 under Cabot and Pert, but
it seems safer, in the light of recent research, to attribute
it to the expedition projected in 1521, but which was
thwarted by the Drapers' Company.

The Ribero map of 1529 states that Labrador was
discovered by the English, and adds the unflattering
comment, " There is nothing there of much value."

In the Carte de Verrazano, 1529, on the land called
" Terra Laboratoris," is written, " which land was dis-
covered by the English." In token of which this part
of the coast is embellished by the arms of England.

The map known as Wolfenbuttel B. (1534), already
quoted, not only states that Labrador was discovered
by the English, but gives the important information
that the country was so named because a labourer of
the Azores first sighted it.

A Portuguese map (1553), preserved at the Depot
de la Marine, Paris, shows the English flag with the
crosses of St. George and St. Andrew on the land called
Terra de Laurador. The Molyneux map which accom-
panies the 1599 edition of Hakluyt's Voyages also states
regarding Labrador : " This land was discovered by
John Sebastian Cabot for King Henry VII, in 1497."

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 97

Such an array of evidence, extending over the whole
of the sixteenth century, is conckisive proof of the fact
that Labrador was recognized as territory particularly
belonging to England.

We have already quoted the unpublished manuscript
of Alonzo de Santa Cruz, entitled El Islario General.
This important statement will be noticed regarding
Labrador : " It is frequented by the English, who go
there to take fish which the natives catch in great
numbers."

Evidence from such a source must carry great weight,
for Alonzo de Santa Cruz and his associates of the Casa
de Contratacion, among whom was Sebastian Cabot, were
not only possessed of all the maps and reports which
were brought back by Spanish voyagers, but also
obtained all possible information from foreign sources,
and embodied that knowledge in " Le Padron General,"
or map of the world, which it was their duty to keep
up to date. Notwithstanding the general concurrence
of map makers in associating the English so particu-
larly with Labrador, the nomenclature of the coast
on the early maps is either Portuguese or French,
and English names do not begin to appear until the
latter half of the eighteenth century. The explanation
of this, however, is obvious. The art of map-making
was in a very backward condition in England as
compared with Spain, Portugal, France, or Italy, and
English maps were not only few in number but of
the crudest description. But the lack of maps does
not argue a corresponding lack of voyages nor poor
seamanship. On this latter point we can feel certain
that English sailors compared very favourably with the
French and were vastly superior to the Spanish. Mr.
Oppenheim, whose exhaustive study of naval history

98 LABRADOR

constitutes him an authority, in Yixs Administration of the
Royal Navy thus writes on this subject : —

" Judging from the accounts of the voyages of these
years, English seamen seem to have handled their ships
skilfully in all conditions and under all difficulties, and
in navigation landfalls were made with accuracy. . . .
The case was very different with the Spanish seamen.
Since 1508 there had been a great school of cosmography
and navigation at Seville under the superintendence of
the Pilot Major of Spain, but it does not appear to have
succeeded in turning out competent men."

A writer in 1573 says : —

" How can a wise and omnipotent God have placed
such a difficult and important art as navigation into
such coarse and lubberly hands as those of these
pilots. You should see them ask one another, ' How
many degrees have you got ? ' One says ' sixteen,'
another ' about twenty,' and another ' thirteen and a
half.' Then they will say, ' What distance do you make
it to the land ? ' One answers ' I make it forty leagues
from the land,' another 'A hundred and fifty,' a third
' I reckoned it this morning to be ninety-two leagues,'
and whether it be three or three hundred no one of
them agrees with the other or with the actual fact."

Fifteen years later the superiority of the English
seamen and ships over Spanish was proved beyond all
gainsaying by the defeat of the Spanish Armada.

A good deal of information regarding early Eng-
lish voyages can be obtained from a careful analysis
of the laws passed in England during the sixteenth
century for the governance of sJiippi^ig and naviga-
tion.

The first Act of Navigation was passed in Richard H's

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 99

time, and had for its express object "the increase of
the Navy of the EngHsh, which was then greatly
diminished." It is curious that this note of pessimism
should have been struck thus early, when it is obvious
that, prior to that date, the shipping of England could
not have been very extensive or formidable. The same
cause is assigned for many of the Acts which follow,
and one wonders if the decline of the Navy, which
was periodically bemoaned, could really have taken
place.

That their fears were unfounded, at least in one
instance, witness the Act of 1581, for the " Increase of
Mariners and for the Maintenance of Navigation," the
preamble of which deplores the fact that the trade to
Iceland had decayed, and the number of seamen and
mariners fit for Her Majesty's service greatly decreased.
But the English mariners were " Ready, aye, ready ! " in
1 588, and it can hardly be contended that such efficiency
as was then displayed could have been developed in
such a short time and by virtue of the above-mentioned
Act.

The preamble of an Act passed in 1490 deplores the
decay of the Navy and the idleness of the mariners. In
1494 the Act is re-enforced for the same reason, and in
1532 the decrease of shipping and mariners was again
the occasion of statutory enactments.

The first Act of Parliament to mention the Newlands
was passed in 1542. The preamble states that in
times past many towns and ports had enjoyed great
wealth " by using and exercising the crafte and feate of
fishing." That fish had been sold at a reasonable price
in our market towns, " and many poure men and women
had therebye their convenynt lyuing to the strength
increasing and wealthe of this realm." But latterly

loo LABRADOR

some dishonest and lazy people had forsaken the craft
of fishing and had been making it a practice to buy fish
from Picardes, Flemmings, Normans, and Frenchmen,
sometimes on the coast of France and sometim.es " half
the sea over." Such practices were promptly stopped
by the imposition of a fine of £io for every such
offence. " Provided furthermore that this Act or any-
thing conteyned therein shall not extend to any person
which shall buy any fisshe in any partis of Iseland,
Scotlands, Orkeney, Shatlande, Ireland or Newland."
This has been quoted as proof that the fisheries at
that period were greatly neglected by the English
seamen, but the proper deduction is undoubtedly that
it was to put a stop to dishonest practices, and the
mention of exceptions, viz. : the distant fisheries of
Iceland and Newland, is surely ample proof that the
fisheries in these parts were steadily prosecuted, as
well as displaying the determination of the Crown to
protect them.

In 1 549 an Act was passed forbidding the exaction of
a toll by the Royal Navy, either in money or in kind,
from any " Merchants and Fishermen as have used and
practised the adventures and journeys into Iceland,
Newfoundeland, Ireland and other places commodious
for fishing and the getting of fish in and upon the
seas or otherwise by way of merchandise in those
ports."

Hakluyt, who quotes this Act, says : —

" By this Act it appeareth that the trade of England
to Newfoundland was common and frequented about
the beginning of the reign of Edward VI, namely in
the year 1548, and it is much to be marvelled that
by the negligence of our men the country in all this
time has not been searched over."

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA loi

One of the Articles in the Attainder of Sir Thomas
Seymour, Lord High Admiral, January, 1549, is that he
" not only exhorted and bribed great sums of money of
all suche ships as should go into Iceland, but also
as should go any other where in merchandize to the
great discouragement and to the destruction of the
Navy."

The preamble of an 'Act passed three years later
complains that the Act of 1494 was intended for
the maintenance of the Navy, with the hope that
the article there mentioned, (fish), would have been
cheaper, but on the contrary that the article had ad-
vanced in price, " and the Navy was thereby never the
better maintained." One of the earliest Acts of
Ehzabeth's reign (1562) v^^as " for the better maintain-
ance and increase of the Navy," and the principal
means taken was the encouragement of the fisheries,
by permitting free trade in the article for Her Majesty's
subjects, and the promotion of the consumption of
fish by ordaining that Wednesdays and Saturdays
should be '' fish days." This Act does not refer specific-
ally to the Newlands or any other fishery, but was in-
tended to be general.

In 1571, I58i,and 1585, alterations were made in the
fishing regulations, all for the purpose of increasing
the Navy. But in 1597 many of them were repealed,
as it was found that the "condition of the Navy was
not bettered nor the number of marines increased, and
that the Queen's natural subjects were not able to
furnish a tenth part of the realm with salted fish of
their own taking." The Statute of 1581 is the only one
which mentions Newfoundland particularly.

The inference to be deduced from these sixteenth
century Acts, in respect to the fisheries on the north-

I02 LABRADOR

east coast of America is, that they were undoubtedly
steadily prosecuted by the English, but that the purpose
of the i\cts was the maintenance of the Navy, not the
exercise of sovereignty over the new found lands.

Confirmatory evidence of these early fishing voyages,
from a entirely different source, is the report of the
Venetian Ambassador Soranzo, who wrote in 1564:
" There is great plenty of English sailors who are
considered excellent for the navigation of the Atlantic."
Anthony Parkhurst,^ writing to Hakluyt in December,
1578, and describing Newfoundland, makes some state-
ments which seem rather contradictory. He tells that
during the four years he had been going to the fisheries
at Newfoundland, that the English vessels prosecuting
that fishery had increased from thirty to fifty sail,
" chiefly through the imagination of the Western Men
who think their neighbours have had greater gains than
in truth they had."

Parkhurst says that it is impossible to arrive at the
number of foreign vessels plying there, but estimates
them at 100 Spaniards, 50 Portuguese, and 150 French
and Bretons, but he adds this pertinent statement :
"The English are commonly lordes of the harbours in
which they fish, and do use all strangers' helpe in fishing
if neede require, according to an old custom of the
country." One would like very much to have further
particulars of this old custom of the country. If the
English were so outnumbered as it appears, it would
have been difficult for them to enforce their authority.
Edward Haies, the historian of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's
voyage in 1583, confirms Parkhurst's statement. When
Sir Humphrey put into the harbour of St. John's, and
levied upon English and foreigners alike for supplies,

^ Anthony Parkhurst had accompanied Hawkins in his voyage of 1566.

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 103

commissioners were appointed to make the collection
both in St. John's and neighbouring harbours. " For,"
he says, " our English marchants commaund all there."

We have, therefore, two independent witnesses to the
effect that the English at this period, in St. John's and
the neighbourhood, were regarded by the fishermen of
other nations as " lords of the soil," and this before any
attempt had been made by the Crown of England to
exercise any authority there.

Discovery constituted a right at that time, and it
seems to have been generally respected by all nations.
Parkhurst excused the comparatively small number of
English ships at Newfoundland by the statement that
" the trade our nation hath to Iceland causeth that they
are not there in such numbers as other nations," in flat
contradiction to Act 23 Elizabeth, which deplores the
decrease of the Iceland trade at this same time.

In closing his letter, Parkhurst made the following
recommendations :

" Now to show you my fansie, what places I sup-
pose meetest to inhabit in those partes discovered
of late by our nation : There is neare the mouth of
the grand baie an excellent harbour, called of the
Frenchmen Chasteau, and one island in the very
centre of the straight, called Belle Isle, which places if
they could be peopled and well fortified we shall be
lordes of the whole of the fishing in short time, if it
doe so please the Queen's Majesty, and from thence
send wood and cole with all necessaries to Labrador
lately discovered ; but I am of opinion and doe most
steadfastly believe that we shall find as rich mines in
more temperate places and Climates."

Parkhurst here refers to the discoveries made by
Frobisher in his three voyages in 1576-7-8. The

I04 LABRADOR

purpose of the first voyage was " for the search of the
straight or passage to China/' but, as we shall see,,
other motives influenced the later vo3/ages.

Frobisher sailed from Deptford on June 8th, 1576)
and passing by the Court, then at Greenwich, with his
fleet of three little vessels, 25, 15, and lO tons respec-
tively, " we shotte of our ordinance and made the best
shewe we could ; Her Majesty beholding the same,
commended it, and bade us farewell with shaking her
hand at us out of the window," That such vessels
should have been considered adequate for such an
undertaking is almost beyond belief, and displays in
a striking manner the hardihood of English mariners
of the period.

They sailed away to the north-west, sighting Iceland
and Greenland, which they called Friesland, and on
July 29th "had sight of a newe lande of marvellous
great height which by the account of the course and
way they judged to be the Land of Labrador." They
found themselves in a strait into which they penetrated
some distance, landing at several islands and having
intercourse with the natives, the Eskimos. At first they
seemed to be friendly, but soon manifested the change-
able and treacherous character for which they were
noted. Without any offence being given, they entrapped
and made away with five of Frobisher's men.

Frobisher got back to England on October ist, and
probably would have abandoned any further attempts
in that direction had it not been that a small specimen
of rock, which he picked up by chance and brought
back with him, was found to contain gold. This put a
very different complexion on the affair. " The hope of
the same golde ore to be founde kindled a greater
opinion in the heartes of many to advance the voyage

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 105

again," and " some that had great hope of the matter
sought secretly to have a lease of the places at Her
Majesty's hands." Michael Lok, a merchant of London,
at whose cost chiefly the first voyage had been under-
taken, brought the matter to the notice of the Queen
and Council. Frobisher also petitioned the Queen for
privileges over the lands he had discovered. Many
notable men took an interest in the undertaking, among
whom was Dr. John Dee, who, in spite of his eccen-
tricities, was a man of considerable scientific knowledge.
Coming to Michael Lok to get particulars of the affair,
a meeting was arranged at Lok's house at which Dr,
Dee, Frobisher, Stephen Burroughs, Christopher Hall,
and others were present, when Frobisher's voyage and
the prospects of a passage to China were thoroughly
discussed.

A company was soon formed called " The Company
of Kathai," of which Michael Lok was the first governor,
" for the purpose of voyaging and trading to Kathai
and other Newlands to the North westward." Frobisher
was appointed High Admiral of all the seas in that
direction, and was to receive i per cent, on all
merchandise brought from the same countries. Queen
Elizabeth ventured £1000, Lord Burleigh, with other
members of the Privy Council, Sir Thomas Gresham,
Michael Lok, and many more, various amounts from
£2^ to ;^300. The instructions given to Frobisher
show that the prime object was to search for mines
and to load the vessels with ore. Item 12 says : " If it
shall happen that the moyenes do not yield the sub-
stance that is hoped for, then you shall proceede
towards the discovery of Catheya." If possible, some
people were to be left to Vv^inter in the strait for the
purpose of noting the climate and protecting the mines.

io6 LABRADOR

The expedition sailed, reached the straits, and
although they could find no more ore like the piece
Frobisher brought back from his first voyage, yet the
vessels were loaded with ore that the miners thought
promised well, and all got safely back to England.
The ore was most carefully guarded, being kept under
four locks, the keys of which were in the possession of
different men. Several refiners were engaged to make
trial of it, and estimates were furnished of the cost of
refining. The value arrived at by the different experi-
mentors was from £21 to ;{^53 per ton, and the cost of
getting it estimated at £%, so that a very considerable
profit was shown on this venture. Frobisher was
entertained at Court and all the voyagers made much
of. " And because the place and country hath never
before been discovered and had no special name, her
Majesty named it very properly Meta Incognita as a
mark and bounds hitherto unknown." Great prepara-
tions were made for a third voyage to this promising
gold-field, and many new names were added to the list of
"venturers," notably those of Dr. Dee and Sir
Humphrey Gilbert. The following spring fifteen vessels
set sail, which were expected to return at the end of the
summer laden with the gold ore. A strong house of timber
was taken, all ready to be set up, and one hundred men
and three ships were appointed to inhabit " Meta
Incognita" all the year, thus intending to put into
practice the suggestion made on the previous voyage.
After great dangers and hardships and the loss of one
vessel, they reached their intended harbour on
July 31st. The miners were immediately set to work
at the ore, and others at the erection of the house.
Several of the ships were sent off to search for other
mines, and altogether ore seems to have been loaded

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 107

from seven different islands or mines. The author of
the narrative had grave misgivings. He says, " Many
symple men (I judge) toke good and bad together ; so
that among the fleets lading I think much bad ore will
be found." The ships were ready to sail about the end
of August, but Frobisher was unwilling to leave without
making some further attempt to explore the country,
and went himself to search the straits, finding numbers
of islands, but not discovering that his so-called strait
was only a long and narrow bay. Provisions and drink
had also become scarce owing to leakage, " so that not
only the provisions which was layde in for the habitation
was wanting and wasted, but also each shyppes several
provision spent to their great griefe in their returne, for
all the way homewards they dranke nothing but water.
And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was,
for that ye great timber and seacole, which lay so
waighty upon ye barrels breke bruised and rotted ye
hoopes in sunder." ^

This occurrence very probably occasioned Parkhurst's
suggestion to make Chateau a depot for the supply of
wood and coal."

Frobisher's fleet sailed for home on August 31st,
where they arrived in safety. Works had been estab-
lished at Dartford to extract the precious metals, but
difficulties seem to have arisen in the method of
extraction, which is not to be wondered at considering
the heterogeneous collection of ores with which the ships
were laden. Apparently, no returns from it were ever

^ Relics of Frobisher's expedition, including quite a quantity of
coal, were found by C. F. Hill in 1865 on an island in Frobisher's
Straits called by the Eskimos " Kodlunarn," that is, " White Man's
Island."

'^ Frobisher's Straits were long supposed to have been on the east
coast of Greenland, and are so placed on maps in the latter part
of the eighteenth century.

io8 LABRADOR

received by the Company, although Michael Lok at one
time offered to take over the whole twelve hundred
tons at the rate of £^ per ton. In the end, Frobisher
and Lok quarrelled and their mutual recriminations
became so bitter, that the high sounding . Company
of Kathai went out of existence. And nothing more
is heard of the proposal to plant a colony in Meta
Incognita.

But Frobisher's voyages were soon to be followed by
more pronounced efforts on the part of the English,
both by way of colonization and assertion of rights.

Perhaps it was owing to the fact that Queen
Elizabeth had ventured and lost several thousand
pounds in the Frobisher expeditions, that her attention
was called particularly to the New World, for we find,
very shortly after, that she became desirous of knowing
what the exact rights of the Crown of England were in
those regions, and requested Dr. Dee to make her
acquainted with the same. We have already seen that
Dr. Dee took a practical interest in Frobisher's ven-
tures, and his attainments as a scientist and mathe-
matician made him well qualified to prepare the
statement desired by Queen Elizabeth. The map and
" vindication of England's rights," dated October 30th,
1580, which he presented to Queen Elizabeth, are still
preserved in the Cottonian Collection.

A few days after Frobisher sailed on his third
voyage, Queen Elizabeth granted letters patent to Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, " for the inhabiting and planting of
our people in America." Seven years prior to this an
Act had been passed imposing severe penalties on all
who left England without licence, or who failed to
return on notice being given. Emigration was dis-
tinctly discouraged, and it was due to Sir Humphrey

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA log

Gilbert chiefly that a change v/as made in England's
policy and the first colonies proposed.

This may be called the dawn of the colonial idea in
England. Froude says of this period : —

" The springs of great actions are always difficult to
analyse, and the force by which a man throws a good
action out of himself is invincible and mystical like that
which brings out the blossom and the fruit upon the
tree. The motives which we find men urging for their
enterprises seem often insufficient to have prompted
them to so large a daring. They did what they did
from a great unrest in them which made them do it,
and what it was may be best measured by the results
in the present England and America."

Before all others of the period, Sir Humphrey Gilbert
seems to have been possessed with this " great unrest."

Dr. Dee's Diary, in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford,
contains several very interesting references to his pre-
sentation of England's claim, and also to interviews
which he had with many noted men of the day.

On November 5th, 1578, he writes : —

" I speake with the Queen hora qui7ita. I declared
to the Queen her title to Greenland, Estotiland,^ and
Friesland.

"October 3rd, 1580. On Munday at 1 1 of the clock
before noon I declared my two rolls of the Queens
Majesty's title unto herself in the garden at Richmond,
who appointed after dinner to have furder of the
matter. Therefore between one and two afternoon, I
was sent for into her Highness Privy Chamber, when
the Lord Treasurer, who was also having the matter then

■^ In many sixteenth century maps the name Estotiland is bestowed
upon the country north of Labrador.

no LABRADOR

slightly in consultation, did seme to dowt much that
I had or could make the argument probable for Her
Highness Title so as I pretended. Whereupon I was
to declare to bis honour more playnely and at his
leysere what I had sayd and could say therein which
I did on Tuesday and Wednesday following at his
chambers where he had me used very honourably on
his behalf. . . .

" October. The Queens Majesty to my great com-
fort {hora quintd) cam with her trayn from the Court
and at my dore graciously calling me to her, on
horsbak . . . told me that the Lord Threasover had
greatly commended my doings for her title, which he
had to examyn, which title in two rolls he had brought
home two hours before."

This has been quoted in part by Mr. Henry Harrisse
in Decouverte da Terre-Neuve as evidence that Lord
Burleigh did not support Queen Elizabeth's title to
North America. Whereas Queen Elizabeth and Dr.
Dee both infer that he was converted to a belief in its
validity.

On March 2nd, 1574, a petition was presented to the
Queen for permission to embark on an enterprise for
the discovery and colonization of rich and unknown
lands, " fatally reserved for England and for the honour
of Your Majesty." The petitioners were Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, Sir George Peckham, Sir Richard Grenville, and
others.

This first colonization scheme did not materialize at
once. In 1576 Sir Humphrey Gilbert laid before the
Queen and Council his reasons for believing in a north-
west passage. Among the benefits to be derived from
the voyage of discovery, he suggests " we might in-
habit some part of those countries and settle there such

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA in

needie people of our country which nowe trouble
the commonwealthe and commit outrageous offences
whereby they are daily consumed of the gallows."

In 1577 he again addressed a memorial to Queen
Elizabeth, proposing to fit out a fleet of ships of war
under pretence of a voyage of discovery to Newfound-
land, where he would destroy all the great ships of
France, Spain and Portugal. He urged that the ex-
pedition be undertaken at once, " for the wings of man's
life are plumed with the feathers of death."

Letters patent for the term of six years were granted
to Sir Humphrey Gilbert in June of the following year,
not to devastate the fishing fleets of foreign nations in
Newfoundland waters, but peaceably to discover and in-
habit such unoccupied countries as he might see fit.^ On
September 23rd of the same year he sailed from Dartford
with a fleet of eleven ships and five hundred men, but
in November he wrote to Walsingham from Plymouth
complaining of the desertion of Mr. Knollys and other
men of Devonshire, but nevertheless determining to
continue his purpose with the seven ships remaining
to him, one of which, the Faulcon, was commanded by
" Captain Walter Rauley."

No account has been preserved of this expedition,
except that it failed of its purpose. They were con-
tinually buffeted by storms and " lost a tall ship and a
gallant gentleman. Miles Morgan." They got as far as
the Cape Verde Islands, but returned to England early
in 1579. Sir Humphrey had mortgaged his property in
order to fit out this expedition, and was obliged to
assign portions of his rights under his letters patent in

^ Dr. Dee's Diary, August Sth, 1578, says: "Mr. Reynolds, of Brid-
well, toke his leave of me as he passed toward Dartmouth to go with Sir
Ilumfrey Gilbert toward Hoch- laga."

]:i2 LABRADOR

order to raise funds for a second attempt. Dr Dee was
one of the assigners, and received a grant of Labrador.
In his Diary, August 25th, 1580, he writes : — " My deal-
ing with Sir Humphrey Gilbert for his grant of dis-
covery" ; and on September loth : —

" Sir Humphrey Gilbert graunted me my request to
him, made by letter, for the royaltyes of discovery all
to the North above the parallel of 50 degrees of
latitude, in the presence of Storner, Sir John Gilbert
his servant or retainer, and thereuppon toke me by
the hand with faithful promises in his lodging of
John Cookes house in Wichercross Street where we
dined only us three together."

Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerrard were
also assignees under his letters patent, and in 1580
applied to Walsingham for permission to organize an
expedition. Also the great Sir Philip Sidney received
a grant of a Principality, perhaps with the idea of
founding a real " Arcadia."

Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed again in 1583 with a
fleet of five ships, the largest of which, supplied by
Captain Walter Raleigh, almost immediately returned
to England, a serious distemper having broken out on
board among the crew. The result of this voyage was
the taking possession of St. John's, Newfoundland, in the
name of Queen Elizabeth, which was thus the first land
in the American Continent to be actually in the pos-
session of England, although, as has been shown, Eng-
land already claimed the whole seaboard on account of
Cabot's discovery.

Edward Haies,the historian of Sir Humphrey Gilbert's
disastrous voyage, had no doubt of England's title,
which, he says, "we yet do actually possess therein"; but

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 113

he laments that the English had not explored the New
Lands to the same extent that the French had done.
But as both the French and Spaniards had been un-
successful in planting colonies north of Florida, " it
seemeth probable God hath reserved the same to be
reduced into Christian civilitie by the English nation."
He particularly resented the action of the French in
bestowing names upon the country, "as if they had
been the first finders of those coasts, which injustice we
offered not unto the Spaniards, but left off to discover
when we approached the Spanish limits. Then seeing
the English nation only hath right unto these countries
of America from the Cape of Florida northward by the
privilege of first discovery, unto which Cabot was
authorized by royall authority of King Henry VII,
which right also seemeth strongly defended on our
behalf by the powerful hand of the Almightie God,
withstanding the enterprises of other nations."

When their own voyage met with disaster, and the
great-souled Sir Humphrey himself was " swallowed up
of the sea," one wonders if the complacent attitude of
the narrator remained undisturbed.

That such should have been the final destiny of the
greater part of North America leads one to think that
the prescience of Edward Haies was more than
ordinary, and that he also possessed in no common
degree " that enormous force of heart and intellect "
which was characteristic of so many of the contem-
poraries of Shakespeare.

One other remark made by Haies is noticeable in
respect to the dominance of the English. When the
Squirrel, Sir Humphrey Gilbert's smallest vessel, arrived
first at St. John's, the English merchants, " that were
and always would be Admirals by turns interchangeably

ri4 LABRADOR

over the fleets of the fishermen," would not permit her
to enter the harbour. When, however. Sir Humphrey-
arrived and displayed his commission from Queen
Elizabeth, they readily consented, and sent their boats
to assist him off the shoal upon which he ran aground
when entering the harbour.

Although the scheme for the colonization of Newfound-
land which cost the nobleSir Humphreyhis life,v/as aban-
doned for twenty-seven years longer, the prosecution of
the fishery by the British advanced by leaps and bounds.
Sir Walter Raleigh, writing on July 20th, 1594, to Sir
Robert Cecil, calls attention to the report that three
Spanish men-of-war were cruising in the channel. He
said : —

" It is likely that all our Newfoundland men will be
taken up by them if they be not speedily driven from
the coast, for in the beginning of August our Newland
fleet are expected, which are above a hundred sayle.
If thos should be lost it would be the greatest blow
that ever was given to England."

But one other authority will be quoted just now on
this controversy. Sir William Monson, who began his
career in the Navy in the days of Elizabeth and lived
until the Commonwealth, left a valuable collection of
memoirs which have been published under the title of
Naval Tracts.

A recent writer (Harrisse) has given the following
quotations from Monson, in proof of his contention that
England entirely neglected the lands discovered by
Cabot : —

" No relations of Cabot ever mentioned his posses-
sion or setting his foote ashore to inhabit any of
the lands betwixt the degrees aforesaid ; and therefore

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 115

we can challenge no right of inheritance wanting proof
of possession, which is the law acknowledged for right
of discovery." When viewed with the context it will
be found that this is not an argument in favour of the
contention. Monson was upholding the benefits of
peace, and said that " Spain is more punished by the
King's peace than by the Queen's war, for by our peace
England is enlarged by several plantations in America,"
He supposes that some will say of our plantations
that they were known to us long before, and will advance
Cabot's discoveries in argument that the new plantations
were not owing to the " King's peace," but he points out
that possession was better than discovery as proof of
title, which had been rendered possible by the long
continued peace.

In other parts of his writings he continually claims
the northern parts of America for England by right of
discovery and occupation. He says : —

" Canada was first discovered by the English in the
days of Henry VII, as all the world acknowledges, and
none but the first discoverers can pretend title to any
land newly discovered. This is the title by which the
King of England holds that part of America from 58
to 38 degrees, and has held it since the discovery of it
by Cabot."

In another place he writes : —

" It is marvellous if we consider what England is now
to what it was in former ages — what increase in his
majestys revenues, what an increase there is of ships in
number and goodness, what dread and fear all other
nations apprehend of our greatness by sea, and what
rumours we spread abroad in all quarters of the world
to make us famous."

ii6 LABRADOR

"It is admirable if we call these things to mind. And
to come to the particulars of augmentation of our
trades, of our plantations, and our discoveries, because
every man shall have his due therein, I will begin with
Newfoundland, lying upon the main continent of
America, which the King of Spain challenges as first
discoverer, but as we acknowledge the King of Spain
the first light of the west and south-west parts of
America, so we and all the world must confess that we
were the first that took possession of the north part
thereof for the crown of England, and not above two
years difference between the one and the other. And
as the Spaniards have from that day to this held their
possessions in the west, so have we done the like in the
north ; and though there is no comparison in the point
of wealth, yet England may boast that the discovery
from the year aforesaid to this very day hath afforded
the subjects annually one hundred and twenty thousand
pounds, and increases the number of many a good ship
and mariners, as our western parts can witness by their
fishing in Newfoundland."

Again he says : —

" England had some honour thereby in the discovery
of Newfoundland that since proved most commodious
to the commonwealth, and most especially to the western
parts thereof, by their yearly employment of 200 sail of
ships thither."

Sir William Monson undoubtedly maintained Eng-
land's right to North America from Florida to Hudson's
Straits, and if he had known, as we know, that Cabot
actually preceded Columbus in the discovery of the
mainland of America, he would have denied Spain's
right to any part of it except the West Indies.

ENGLISH VOYAGES TO AMERICA 117

Such are a few (but important) items of evidence on
British occupation of the new found lands in the six-
teenth century. I think it must be conceded that there
is sufficient warranty for the belief that England never
lost sight of the valuable possessions added to the
Crown by the discoveries of Cabot. At first coloniza-
tion, or any form of jurisdiction over the new found
lands, was as unnecessary for England as it was
impossible. But what could be done was done. Pro-
tection and encouragement were given to the fleet of
fishing vessels, which, in steadily increasing numbers,
never ceased to make their way across the Western
Ocean.

CHAPTER VIII

THE SEARCH FOR THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE AND
CONSEQUENT VISITS TO LABRADOR— THE HUD-
SON BAY COMPANY.

HILE the southern shores of Labrador, border-
ing the Straits of Belle Isle, were regularly
visited by fishermen from Brittany and the west of
England, and by whalers from the Basque provinces,
the eastern and northern coasts would have remained
unexplored were it not that English sailors persistently
pursued that ignis fatiius — a North- West Passage.

The French, Spanish, and Portuguese nations very
soon abandoned their attempts in this direction, and it
must be accorded to the glory of English seamen that
they alone persevered in the endeavour to solve the
mystery of the North- West. From the narratives of
these expeditions fleeting glimpses of Labrador can be
obtained.

The first, after Frobisher, to seek this supposed short
road to Cathay was John Davis. He was fitted out by
the merchants of London, of whom Mr. William Saunder-
son ^ was the chief Strict instructions were given to
him to seek for the passage, and not to be turned aside by
other considerations as was Frobisher.

In the summer of 1585, with his two little vessels, the

^ Wm. Saunderson married a niece of Gilbert and Raleigh, and Davis
was a great friend of Adrian Gilbert, so the connection with previous
voyages is clearly seen.

118

SEARCH FOR THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE 119

Sunshine of fifty and the Mermaid of thirty-five
tons, he succeeded in reaching tlie remarkably high
latitude of 6f.

On this journey he coasted along the shores of Green-
land, thus once more restoring communication with that
almost forgotten country. The Eskimos, whom he met
in considerable numbers, were most friendly. " They are,"
he said, " very tractable people, void of craft or double-
dealing, and easy to be brought to any civilite or good
order," In 1586, he set out again, this time with his
fleet increased by the Mermaid of 120 tons, and the
North Star, a pinnace of ten tons. Again he suc-
ceeded in reaching latitude 6^° , then turning south
coasted the American shore to latitude 57°. On August
28th, "having a great mistrust of the weather, he arrived
in a very fair harbour in the latitude of 56, and sailed
ten leagues into the same, being two leagues broad
with very fayre woods on both sides. I landed and
went sixe miles by ghesse into the country and found
that the woods were firre, pineapple, alder, yew, withy
and birch ; here we saw a blacke beare ; this place
yieldeth great store of birds. Of the partridge and
pezunt we killed so great store with bowe and arrows ;
in this place at the habourough mouth we found great
store of cod. The first of September we set saile and
coasted the shore with fine weather. The third day
being calme at noone we stroke saile and let fall a
cadge anker, to prove whether we could take any fish,
being in latitude 54.30', in which place we found
great abundance of cod, so that the hooke was no
sooner overboard, but presently a fish was taken. It
was the largest and best reset (?) fish that ever I saw,
and divers fishermen that were with me sayd that they
never saw a more suaule (?) or better skull of fish in theyr

I20 LABRADOR

lives. The fourth of September we ankered in a very
good road among great store of isles, the country low-
land, pleasant and very full of fayre woods. To the
north of this place eight leagues, we had a perfect hope
of the passage, finding a mighty great sea passing
between two lands west. The south land to our judge-
ment nothing but isles, we greatly desired to go into
the sea, but the wind was directly against us. We
ankered in four fathom fine sand. In this place is foule
and fish mighty store. The sixt of September having
a fayre north-west winde, having trimmed our barke, we
proposed to depart, and sent five of our sailors yong
men a shore to an island to fetch certain fish which we
purposed to weather and therefore left it all the night
covered up on the Isle : the brutish people of the
country lay secretly lurking in the woods and upon the
sudden assaulted our men : which when we perceived
we presently let slip our cables upon the half and under
our fore sailes bare into the shore, and with all expedi-
tion discharged a double musket upon them twice, at
the noice whereof they fled : notwithstanding to our
very great grief two of our men were slaine with theyre
arrows and two grievously wounded of whom at this
present we stand in very great doubt ; onely one escaped
by swimming, with an arrow shot through his arme.
These wicked miscreants never offered parley or speech,
but presently executed theyr cursed fury."

The " very fayre harbor " in latitude 56° cannot be
identified, as deep fiords are numerous on that part of
the coast. Sandwich Bay was no doubt the locality in
which he harboured, and Hamilton Inlet the " mighty
great sea" in which he had a perfect hope of the
passage.

In the following year Davis started once more, and

SEARCH FOR THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE 121

at the extraordinarily early date of June 24th, reached
the latitude of 6f 12' "the sea all open to the east-
wards and northwards." The mariners became alarmed
and insisted upon turning south, and again Davis
coasted down the American shore. On the first of
August he " passed a very great gulfe, the water whirling
and roaring as it were a meeting of the tides." Another
account of this voyage says : " To our great admiration
we saw the sea falling down into the gulfe with a
mighty over fall, and roaring with divers circular
motions like a whirlpool in such sort as forcible
streams pass through the arches of bridges." It is
referred to afterwards by Davis as " the furious over-
fall," and is an excellent description of the entrance to
Hudson's Straits, where the tides rise and fall about forty
feet. Sir William MacGregor, the Governor of New-
foundland, in his report of a visit to Labrador, 1905,
telling of the meeting of the tides here, says • " The clash
of these two mighty streams roared like a great water-
fall and produced powerful eddies and whirlpools." ^

In the account given by Herrera of the English ships
which visited Hispaniola in 1527, supposed to be Rut's
vessel, it says that the ship had been in a frozen sea,
and coming south " they arrived in a warm sea which
boiled like water in a kettle."

Hudson's Straits is the only locality where there is
such a commotion of the waters. Rut, however, accord-
ing to his letter, was not north of the Straits of Belle
Isle.

The cape at the south entrance to Hudson's Straits
Davis named " Chidleis Cape," after his neighbour

^ The first reference to Hudson's Straits is to be found on Ruysch's
map, 1508. A note on which reads, " Here a raging sea begins, here the
compasses'of ships do not hold their properties, and vessels having iron are
not able to return,"

122 LABRADOR

Mr. John Chidley, of Broad Clyst, near Exeter, county-
Devon. By the 15th of August he had sailed down
to the Straits of Belle Isle, but failed to find the other
vessels of his fleet which had separated from him early in
the summer, with the intention of fishing about lat. 54°
to 55°. He therefore sailed for home and reached
Dartmouth on September 15th. In the curious little
book written by Davis called The World's Hydro-
graphicalle Description, he says, referring to his last
voyage, that two ships were fitted out for fishing and
one for discovery : —

" Departing from Dartmouth, through Gods' merciful
favour I arrived at the place of fishing, and there
according to direction, I left two ships to follow that
business, taking there faithful promises not to depart
until my return unto them, which should be, in the
fine of August, but after my departure in sixteen days
the ships had finished their voyage and so presently
departed for England."

This is the first fishing adventure to the Labrador
coast of which we have any particulars, and its won-
derful success no doubt attracted much attention.

Davis firmly believed that there was a practicable
north-west passage, and would have made another
effort to find it, " but by reason of the Spanish
fleete and unfortunate time of Master Sectretary's
(Walsingham) death the voyage was ommitted, and
never sithens attempted."

In 1602, the Muscovy and Turkey Companies de-
spatched Captain George Weymouth, in an endeavour
to follow up Davis's discoveries. He did not succeed in
reaching so high a latitude as his predecessor, but sailed
into Hudson's Straits for a considerable distance, and

SEARCH FOR THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE 123

as Captain Luke Fox, who fantastically styled himself
" North West Fox," relates, " did, I conceive, light
Hudson into his Straights."

Weymouth also sailed down the northern Labrador
coast and explored an inlet in latitude 56.

The Worshipfull Company of Muscovy, in con-
junction with the East Indian Merchants, sent out
another expedition in the year 1606 under the com-
mand of John Knight, who had previously sailed with
a Danish expedition to Greenland. On June 13th
he had sight of land in latitude 57° 25', but was caught
in the ice and drifted south to 56° 48'. Finding his ship
badly damaged, he decided to put into a small cove to
effect repairs if possible. While exploring the neigh-
bourhood, looking for a suitable place to careen his
vessel, he, his brother, Edward Gorrill the mate, and
another man, were set upon by the savage Eskimos and
slain. The rest of the ship's company were left in a
sore plight, with their ship almost in a sinking condition,
short handed, and continually attacked by the Eskimos,
whom they described as " little people, tawney coloured,
thick-haired, little or no beard, flat nosed, and are man
eaters."

They contrived, however, to keep the savages at bay,
and to lessen the leak by dropping a sail overboard
against it. In this crippled condition they made their
way south to Newfoundland, and on July 23rd " they
espied a dozen shallops fishing and making toward
them, found themselves at Fogo where they took
harbour, repaired their ship, and refreshed themselves."

Not satisfied with the indeterminate attempts of
Weymouth and Knight, the merchants of London, in
1610, fitted out Henry Hudson, who was already
famous as a navigator and explorer, to seek once more

124 LABRADOR

the much desired passage. Boldly pushing his way
through the straits, which have since borne his name,
he discovered the great inland sea, Hudson's Bay. Here
he wintered, and in the spring determined to explore
still further west, confidently expecting to succeed
in the enterprise upon which he was sent. But his
crew mutinied, and turned him, his son, and the few
that remained faithful to him, adrift in a little boat,
doubtless to perish miserably. On the return of
Hudson's ship through the straits, they fell in with a
company of Eskimos, who as usual seemed at first very
friendly, but waiting their opportunity treacherously
attacked and killed four of the ship's company, among
whom were the chief mutineers.

In 1612, the year following the return of Hudson's
ship, the merchants of London again fitted out an
expedition, placing it under the command of Sir
Thomas Button. Two of Hudson's men, Abacuck
Prickett and Robert Bylot, accompanied him.

Proceeding at once through Hudson's Straits, he made
for "Diggess's He," where the mutineers of Hudson's
ship met their well-deserved fate at the hands of the Es-
kimos. Here these undaunted savages appeared again
in considerable numbers, twice attacked his ship and
killed five of his men. Entering Hudson's Bay he sailed
southward seeking suitable quarters for the winter, and
made himself as comfortable as possible ; but viath all
his precautions lost several of his men from the severe
cold. In the spring he explored Hudson's Bay as far
north as 65°, and returning through Hudson's Straits
passed into the Atlantic "betwixt those islands first
discovered and named Chidley's Cape by Captain
Davis, and the north part of America, called by the
Spaniards, who never saw the same. Cape Labrador ;

SEARCH FOR THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE 125

but it is meet by the north-east point of America,
where there was contention among them, some main-
taining that those islands were the ' Resolution ' ; but
at length it proved a strait, and very straight indeed to
come through, which resolved all doubts." Thus
writes " North- West Fox" on the evidence of Abacuck
Prickett. Commentators have thought that Button
passed out of Hudson's Straits not between Resolution
Island and the Button Islands, but between Button
Islands and Cape Chidley. From the description,
however, there can be little doubt that he passed
through the narrow channel between Chidley peninsula
and the mainland, which now bears the name of
Grenfell Channel. Sir William McGregor thus des-
cribes it : —

" This is a passage which leads through from the east
coast, starting south of Cape Chidley, to the Bay that
lies on the east side of the Chidley peninsula, opening
some two or three miles south of Port Burwell. It is
about two or three hundred yards wide, and was sup-
posed to be sufficiently deep to permit of the passage
of large ships through it, thus avoiding the necessity of
doubling the Chidley peninsula. The navigating lieu-
tenant of H.M.S. Scylla has, however, after transversing
the channel twice, reported one spot in it where the
depth did not exceed five fathoms.^ It is therefore
necessary'- that it should be more fully examined before
it can be considered safe for large vessels. Strong
tides pass through the Grenfell Tickle. It seems to
be navigated by small icebergs with more draught than
any ships would have. It runs all the way between

^ Dr. Grenfell has since again passed through this channel, sounding
most carefully, and failed to find anywhere less than seventeen fathoms of
water.

126 LABRADOR

steep hills of bare rock. It is about eight or ten miles
long, and would, if proved to be safe, be a decided gain
to vessels passing between the Atlantic and Port
Burwell, or Ungava and Hudson's Bays."

One of Button's vessels was the Discovery, and was
the same vessel in which Hudson and Weymouth
made their voyages to the same regions. She is
described as a fly-boat of sixty or seventy tons ;
this term generally denoted a broad flat -bottomed
vessel which Vv^ould have easily passed through the
channel. Nothing is known of Button's other ship,
the Resolution.

The Moravian missionaries Kohlmeister and Kmock
navigated this channel on their way to and from Un-
gava in 1811. On August 2nd they arrived at the
mouth of the dreaded Ikkerasak (strait).

" It is in length about ten miles ; the land on
each side high and rocky and in some places pre-
cipitous, but there appeared no rocks in the strait
itself. The water is deep and clear. Its mouth
is wide, and soon after entering a bay opens to
the left, which, by an inlet only just wide enough to
admit a boat, communicates with a lagoon of consider-
able magnitude, in which lies an island on its western
bank. Beyond this bay the passage narrows, and con-
sequently the stream, always setting from north to
south, grows more rapid. Here the mountains on both
sides rise to a great height. Having proceeded for two
miles in a narrow channel the strait opens again, but
afterwards contracts to about one thousand yards
across, immediately beyond which the coast turns to
the south. As the tide ebbs with the current from
north to south alonsf the whole Labrador coast, the

SEARCH FOR THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE 127

current through the strait is most violent during its
fall, and less when resisted by its influx or rising. We
were taught to expect much danger in passing certain
eddies or whirlpools in the narrow parts of the straits.
When we passed the first narrow channel, it being low
water, no whirlpool was perceptible. Having sailed on
for a little more than half an hour we reached the
second. Here indeed we discovered a whirlpool, round
in the manner of a boiling cauldron of ten or twelve
feet in diameter, with considerable noise and much
foam, but we passed without the smallest inconvenience.
The motions of these eddies is so great that they never
freeze in the severest winter. The ice being drawn
toward them with great force is carried under water and
thrown up again, broken into numerous fragments.
The Ikkerasak is at this season utterly impassable for
boats."

Sir Thomas Button was followed in the next year,
1614, by Captain Gibbons, once more in the fly-boat
Discoveiy. Gibbons was a cousin of Sir Thomas
Button and had accompanied him on his voyage.
Button spoke of his cousin in terms of the highest
praise, and declared that " he was not short of any man
that ever yet he carried to sea," but he did not justify
Button's recommendation, and his voyage was utterly
unfruitful.

" North-West Fox " thus tersely describes it : —

" Little is to be writ to any purpos for that hee was put
by the mouth of Fretum Hudson and with the ice was
driven into a Bay called by his Company ' Gibbons his
Hole,' in latitude 58 and V2 upon the North East part of
America, where he laid ten weeks fast amongst the ice,
in danger to have been spoyled or never to have got

128 LABRADOR

away-j so ast the time being lost he was inforced to
returne."

The locality here indicated is probably Saglek Bay.
It is a pity that such a characteristic name has not
been perpetuated.

Later seekers of the north-west passage proceeded
at once through Hudson's Straits and did not visit
Labrador.

About the middle of the seventeenth century French
fur traders found their way overland to Hudson's Bay.
The two chief pioneers, named Grosseliers and Rodis-
son, were so impressed with the importance of the
trade vv^hich might be developed, that they went to
France and tried to induce the French Government
to send an expedition there and take possession of
the country. Receiving no encouragement from their
own people, they were recommended by the British
Ambassador at Paris to go to London with their pro-
position. By his influence they obtained an audience
with King Charles 11 and Prince Rupert, who were
both much interested in the proposed enterprise. A
company was formed and an expedition sent out in
1668. Arriving at Hudson's Bay they at once built
a fort, and during the ensuing winter carried on a
brisk trade with the natives. In the following year
they returned to London. Application was then
made to King Charles for a charter, in order that the
trade might be more fully developed. That easy-going
monarch acceded to the request and granted a charter,
the extraordinary terms of which have excited the
wonder of succeeding generations. More remarkable
than the charter itself is the fact that, although often
challenged, its validity has been always upheld, and
the Hudson Bay Company is still a virile concern.

THE HUDSON BAY COMPANY 129

fetaining the privileges granted by King Charles, with
the exception of those it has been well paid to relin'-
quish.

This charter claimed to give " the whole trade of all
those seas, streights and bays, rivers, lakes, creeks and
sounds in whatsoever latitude they shall be, that lie
within the entrance of the Streights commonly called
Hudson's Streights." The fisheries within the straits
were also expressly included. By reason of the wonder-
ful system of rivers and lakes which drain into Hudson's
Bay and Straits, the company became possessed of a
territory estimated at nearly one-third of North America.
It was recognized as a colony or plantation under the
name of Rupert's Land, and had almost all the powers
of a self-governing colony of the present day. The
first Governor of the Company was Prince Rupert, and
one of its most important members, if not the leading
spirit, was Sir George Carteret, the friend and neighbour
of the immortal and immoral Pepys. One is surprised
not to find the great diarist himself interested in the
Company, as his hand was generally stretched forth when
there were any fees or perquisites to be obtained.

The Hudson Bay Company was therefore the first
legal possessor of any part of Labrador, its portion
being all the country drained by rivers falling into
Hudson's Straits or Bay.

France looked with great jealousy at the advent of
the British on her northern borders, and during the wars
at the end of the seventeenth century captured every
trading post which had been erected by the Hudson
Bay Company. By the Treaty of Ryswick (1697), ^^^
later by the Treaty of Utrecht (171 3), it was agreed
that all " countries, islands, forts and colonies, which
either France or England had possessed before the war

i-3o LABRADOR

should be restored to their original owners," and a joint
commission was to be appointed to delineate the
respective borders of Canada and Rupert's Land. This
boundary line was never agreed upon, although the
commissioners were appointed and met on several
occasions. In respect to Labrador, the English com-
missioners proposed that the dividing line should be
drawn from Cape Grimmington on the Labrador coast
in lat. 58° 30' to Lake Mistassini, thence S.W. to the
49th parallel, and thence westward indefinitely.

The Hudson Bay Company were thus prepared to
abandon nearly the whole east coast of Labrador to the
French, and besought the Imperial Government to
forbid any intrusion by the French to the northward
of the proposed boundary.

While the matter was in dispute Labrador was re-
garded as a no-man's land, free to be adopted by any
claimant In 1752 a petition was presented to the
Lords of Trade and Plantations by some London
merchants for a grant of the country called Labrador,
between 52° and 60° N. lat., " not at this time possessed
by any of His Majesty's subjects or the subjects of any
Christian Prince." But the Hudson Bay Company were
able to block this project, under the plea, first, that the
country was included in their charter, and, second, that
it was an entirely barren land, and the intention of any
company starting there could only be to poach upon
their trade.

CHAPTER IX

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763

THE first attempt to form a permanent establish-
ment on the coast of Labrador was made by
Augustin Legardeur, Seigneur de Courtemanche. On
October 17th, 1702, he obtained from Sieur de Vaud-
reuil, Governor of New France, a concession for ten
years of the privilege of trading with the savages,
and fishing for whales, seals, and cod, on all that part
of the south coast of Labrador, from the Kegaskat
River to the River Kessessasskiou^ between lat. 52° and
53° N.

About the year 1704 he made a tour of his domain
and wrote a description of it, which is still to be found
in the Archive of the Marine at Paris.

Beginning at the Kegaskat, now Kegashka River, he
travelled from harbour to harbour, noting the peculiari-
ties and excellences of each locality. The abundance
of seals, salmon, cod, feathered game, caribou, and fur-
bearing animals must have been simply prodigious.
He was evidently charmed with his acquisition, and
describes each place in glowing terms.

Courtemanche established himself at Bay Phely-

^ On French maps of the early eighteenth century our Grand or
Hamilton River is called Kessessasskiou, and Hamilton Inlet, " Grande
Baye des Eskimaux."

131

132 LABRADOR

peaux,^ now Bradore, and built there a fort which he
called Fort Pontchartrain.

The harbour, he tells us, was excellent, capable of
containing a hundred vessels of all sizes. The general
aspect of the bay was "fort gaie,'^ bordered with islands,
and abounding in such quantities of game that the
whole colony, both French and Indians, could easily be
supported there. At the bottom of the bay there were
three hills, " tres agreable a la veueP

The rivers and lakes amongst these hills were full
of salmon and trout, and the waters of the bay teemed
with codfish, so that he felt assured of sustaining his
garrison without any difficulty.

He opened communication with a tribe of Indians in
the neighbourhood which had not been previously known
to the French. They were a gentle race, and he thought
a missionary would have no difficulty in converting them
to Christianity. It seems probable that he referred to
the Nascopee Indians, for the Montaignais Indians had
been, from the time of Champlain, on friendly terms
with the French, and were among the first to be con-
verted.

Courtemanche induced thirty or forty families of the
Montaignais to come and settle on his seignor)^, employ-
ing them both as trappers and fishermen. He was in-
formed by them that the Basques formerly had carried
on a very large whale fishery in the straits, and that
the remains of their establishments were still to be seen
at Brasdor, Forteau, and St. Benoit's.

Courtemanche found the bones of whales piled up

^ This bay, called "Les Islettes" by Jacques Cartier, wasknown in 1740
as " Bale des Espagnols," and was named "Bay Phelypeaux" by Courte-
manche. It did not take its present name until late in the eighteenth
century. On tlie Bellini map, 1744, it is called "Bay Phelypeaux," on
the Cook and Lane map, 1790, " Labradore Bay."

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 133

like sticks of wood, one on the other, in such quantities
that he estimated one place to contain the remains of
two thousand to three thousand animals. He counted
ninety skulls of prodigious size in one little creek. The
Basques had been compelled to abandon the fishery, not
from failure in the supply of whales, but because of the
attacks and depredations of the Eskimos. Courte-
manche met a St. Malo fisherman at Forteau, who in-
formed him that his countrymen had carried on a fishery
there de to us temps.

But they also had been compelled by the attacks of
the Eskimos greatly to lessen their operations. Nothing
could be left behind them in safety, and every spring
when they returned they would find their huts and
stages torn down, the contents destroyed, and their
boats stolen. The fishery on the Labrador shore was
considered to be much better than on any part of New-
foundland, but it could not be prosecuted in safety.
The fishermen were in continual danger of being sur-
prised and murdered by the treacherous and bloodthirsty
Eskimos.

Charlevoix states in his History of New France that
about 1650 there were continual and desperate battles
between the Eskimos and Montaignais, an historical
feud which continued until the middle of the nineteenth
century.

Courtemanche found that the Eskimos in considerable
numbers wintered at Ha-Ha Bay, and records that two
families of them were massacred even as far west as
Mecatina. He visited Ha-Ha Bay and examined the site
of their camp, as well as he was able to do for the stench
which still lingered there. He noted that they used no
fire to cook their food, and gnawed the bones like dogs.

From the beginning to the end of his life on the

134 LABRADOR

Labrador, it was Courtemanche's chief endeavour to
make peace with these intractable savages, and his
principal care to defend himself and the frequenters of
the coast from their attacks and depredations.

In 1 7 14 Courtemanche obtained a renewal of his
grant.

" The King being at Marly, and being informed
of the success of the establishment which the Sieur de
Courtemanche had made at Phelypeaux Bay, wishing
to treat him favourably in consideration of the pains
and cares which his establishment had cost him, hereby
concedes to him the said Bay of Phelypeaux, where he
is established, and two leagues of coast either way from
the said bay, and four leagues inland."

He was also granted the sole right to trade with the
savages and to the seal fishery, but in regard to other
fish he was given a concurrent right only with any other
vessels that may come there.

At the same time that his grant was renewed
Courtemanche was appointed Commandant of the
Coast of Labrador.

" His Majesty deeming it necessary that he should
have an officer of the army to command on the coast
of Labrador, in the country of the Eskimos, and being
satisfied with the reliability of the Sieur de Courte-
manche, captain of one of his companies serving in
New France, His Majesty wills and requires that he
command in the said coast of Labrador, and that he
rule there and settle all differences that may arise
between His Majesty's subjects in regard to stations
for the fishery," etc.

It is surprising to find, from Courtemanche's report
for 17 1 3, that there were only three French vessels

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 135

fishing in the strait — one at Forteau and two at Blanc
Sablon. No doubt the war with England, just closed,
had caused the fisheries to be abandoned for a time.

If one were to believe the enthusiastic memorial on
the Labrador which here follows, Courtemanche must
have had a comfortable and flourishing establishment
at Bay Phelypeaux. The writer is unknown.^ It
seems probable that he was a priest who had spent a
summer on the Labrador, and being greatly impressed
with the abundance of wild life and the beauty of the
short summers, saw in imagination the country becoming
as populous and powerful as Sweden or Norway. While
greatly overestimating its possibilities, many of his
suggestions for the civilization of the Eskimos, and the
amelioration of the lot of the fishermen who frequented
the coast, are most excellent. The suggested name for
a town, Labradorville, and the proposal that the caribou
should be domesticated are particularly interesting
touches. The suggestion that magic should not be used
in taming the Caribou is a quaint sign of the times.

MEMOIR CONCERNING LABRADOR, 1715-1716

Labrador is all that vast country to the east of
Canada and north of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.
It is a peninsula bounded by the River and Gulf of
St. Lawrence on the south, the ocean on the east,
Hudson's Straits on the north, and Hudson's Bay on
the west. It joins Canada on its western border from
the Isles of Mingan to Hudson's Bay.

Labrador belonged entirely to France before .the
Treaty of Utrecht, with the exception of some small

^ From a similarity of their aims and propositions, one would be
inclined to call this author a pre-incarnation of Dr. Grenfell.

136 LABRADOR

forts which the English had built in the bottom of
Hudson's Bay.

The King had ceded to them, by that treaty, a part
of Labrador — that is to say, the Strait and Bay of
Hudson with all the coasts and rivers which fall into
the said Strait and Bay of Hudson. This constitutes a
large country, but almost uninhabitable and difficult to
reach. The greater and better part of Labrador remains
to the King — that is to say, from Mingan to Belle Isle
and from Belle Isle to the entrance of Hudson's Straits
with all the rivers and inland country. This coast is
over 400 leagues in extent. It is certain that furs are
more abundant and precious in Labrador than in
Sweden, Norway, or Canada.

But that which merits more attention is that the
fishery which can be carried on of salmon, codfish,
seals, walrus, whales, on this four hundred leagues of
coast is able to produce greater riches than the richest
gold-mine in Peru, and with less trouble and expense.
It is very important and even necessary for the good of
the State to make at once three or four establishments
on the coast of Labrador. The abundant fishery of
salmon, codfish, porpoises, seals, walrus, and whales:
the walrus teeth which are finer than ivory and are
used in the fine arts ; the skins of seals, seal oil, walrus
oil and whale oil ; an infinity of caribous and other
animals are in this vast country of Labrador, and will
furnish an infinite number of skins and furs, the
handsomest, the finest, and most precious in the world.
It is said that the skin of the caribou takes the colour
scarlet better than any other kind of skin. All this,
with mines of copper and iron, that can certainly be
found in Labrador, is capable of making the proposed
establishments both rich and flourishing, and of such

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 137

great advantage to the State that Labrador should be
regarded as its Peru.

In effect, it will furnish France v/ith fish and oils,
whalebone, skins of seals and caribous, furs, ivory, and
eider-down, and all in such abundance that a large trade
can be established with foreign countries. Add to
these feathers for beds, such as are used in Russia.

The abundance of all these things will be increased
In proportion as the country becomes peopled and
establishments become numerous. But it is necessary
to begin with three or four.

The first at Bay Phelypeaux, — a very advantageous
place, — a good harbour with abundance of seals and
codfish, and also whales. There are a prodigious
number of birds called " Moyeis," which furnish quan-
tities of eider-down, and of which the eggs are good to
eat. The King has given this post to M. de Courte-
manche, a Canadian gentleman, during his life. He
is well-established there, fortified and furnished. The
seal fishery is the principal industry, and quantities of
oil and skins are obtained. He has a large garden
and grows all sorts of vegetables — peas, beans, roots,
herbs, and salads, and has sown barley and oats,
which grow well ; perhaps wheat and rye will also
grow. He keeps horses, cows, sheep, and pigs. The
neighbourhood of the bay has also been explored.
It is a plain of about four leagues in extent, but
with little woods, so that M. de Courtemanche
has to send for firewood to a distance of three or
four leagues with his horses and carts. He is also
able to fetch it by boat from the river of the
Eskimo which is at a little distance. M. de Courte-
manche has engaged thirty families of Montaignais to
settle near his house. They are of great use to him,

138 LABRADOR

both for the fisheries in summer and for the chase in
winter. He has made them very sociable.

Near the house of M. de Courtemanche there is a
little river containing quantities of salmon and trout.

In time of war Bay Phelypeaux is not safe because it
is very open, but three leagues away there is a bay and
a port called St. Armour, where the fishery is not so
abundant as at Bay Phelypeaux, but being easy of
defence one would be in safety there from the attacks of
enemies.

The second establishment should be at Petit Nord, in
the Strait of Belle Isle, either at St. Barbe or at
Chateau. This establishment would have the advan-
tage of being in the strait by which the fish and
whales from the ocean enter into and return from
the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

At this port a lucrative trade could be carried on
with the Eskimos, who come there in great numbers
every summer.

The third establishment should be on the east coast of
Labrador, at Kessessaki, which is a large river between
52° and 53° N. lat. The fishery of all kinds — cod,
seals, whales — is easy and abundant. There is a great
quantity of fine woods to build stages, houses, or ships.
These pinewoods and large trees are a sign that the
land is fertile, and one will be able to keep animals of
all sorts and to grow wheat and all kinds of grains,
vegetables, and root crops. It short, it should become
a considerable colony and useful to the State, because
(i) it is not far distant from France, (2) it will return
great profits for little outlay, (3) the fisheries will yield
certain and inexhaustible profits — advantages which
are not found in mines of gold or silver, that are
very costly to work and soon exhausted, and cause

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 139

the death of a great many persons. A great advan-
tage for this establishment will be that the river Kesses-
saki is much frequented by the Eskimos, who are adroit
in the chase and in the fishery, and will be able to
render great service to the French and furnish them
with quantities of fish oils, walrus teeth, caribou skins,
and valuable furs.

This immense country is filled with animals.

It is said that the Eskimos number more than thirty
thousand. They have no communication with any
Europeans nor with other savages, from whom they
differ greatly. They have no beards, are light coloured,
well made and very adroit. They clothe themselves
very properly in seal skins. They make canoes and
boats the construction of which is admirable, and are
good smiths. It is believed that they take their
origin from the Icelanders or Norwegians, but perhaps
instead they may have originated from the colony the
Danes had in Greenland about three hundred years ago
which has since disappeared. Without doubt one will
find in their language words of European origin. It is
easy to throw light upon them by means of Basque,
Icelandic, Norwegian, and Danish languages.

The Eskimos are considered extremely savage and
intractable, ferocious and cruel ; they flee at the sight of
Europeans, and kill them whenever they are able ;
but I believe they fly from Europeans because they
have been maltreated, fired on, and killed, and if
they attack and kill Europeans it is only by way of
reprisal.

I think that in the beginning of their intercourse
with Europeans on their coasts they stole some trifling
articles and then fled, but this did not warrant that
they should be fired at and killed.

I40 LABRADOR

Messieurs Jolliet and Constantin, who have visited
them, have received a thousand tokens of friendship.
M. Courtemanche, who has had eight or ten interviews
with them, told me at Versailles in 1 7 1 3 that they are
good, civil, mild, gay, and warm-hearted men and
women, and that they danced to do him honour.
They are very chaste, dislike war, and have a thousand
good qualities. They are more timid than savage or
cruel. It is very easy to see that there will be no
difficulty in civilizing them if proper means are taken.
They are as follows : —

1. To forbid the savage Montaignais and other savages
to make war on them. If the Montaignais had with
them a Jesuit missionary, he could forbid them to do
evil to the Eskimo.

2. It is also necessary to forbid the French fishermen
and others, under the severest pains and penalties, to
fire on them or to offer them any insult.

3. To order the French fishermen to endeavour to
win them over by offering friendship and even presents
to those who join them.

4. In exchange of merchandise and in all commerce
with them to be sure that they are not discontented, and
on all occasions to treat them with kindness and good will.

5. To give them food, but neither to give nor to sell
them any intoxicating liquors.

6. To engage the Jesuits to undertake this measure,
to go amongst them and endeavour to civilize them, for
the Jesuits have a great talent for humanizing the most
ferocious savages. When commerce has been estab-
lished with them, it will be easy to convert them to
Christianity. Their gentle spirit, their aversion to war,
and their chastity make them easily disposed to con-
version.

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 141

It should also be held in view that in making these
establishments on the Labrador, not only spiritual but
also temporal blessings will be poured upon those who
shall procure this glory to God and Religion.

The Eskimos civilized, will render important services
to the French by the fishery and the chase, being very
adroit both in the one and the other. They will bring
skins and furs, walrus tusks, fish oils, eider-down and
feathers for beds, having on their coasts an infinity of
birds with fine plumage.

Thus the Eskimos will contribute to render commerce
on the Labrador both large and lucrative. I forgot to
say that it is necessary to use every means to induce the
Eskimos to take up their abode near the French, the
advantages of which it is unnecessary to detail. Their
proximity need not be feared, as they are not warlike
but lazy and timid.

Those who always make difficulties and have not the
courage to undertake large enterprises say: —

I. That the Labrador is a place cold and sterile, where
nothing that is necessary for life can be found, and con-
sequently is uninhabitable, and no one should dream of
endeavouring to colonize there.

Sweden, Norway, Russia, Scotland, etc., are all more
northern countries than Labrador, and are consequently
colder. These places are also filled with lakes and
mountains to a greater extent than in Labrador. The
land is as sterile as Labrador, and it is only by
cultivation that they have become fertile and capable
of supporting their large population.

Scotland, Sweden, Norway, and Russia are powerful
countries, and filled with great and rich towns, all north
of Kessessaki, Who shall say that one shall not make

142 LABRADOR

of Labrador as fine a country as these, and build in it
cities as great and populous ? All that is wanted is
work and patience. I claim that when the French are
well led they are as capable, both of one and the
other, as the Scotch, Swedes, Russians, or any other
northern people.

The French are capable of overcoming all difficulties
when led by chiefs enterprising and steady. The work
which they have done, are doing, and will do in Canada,
is proof incontestable of this truth, that cold countries
are more favourable to them than hot, and that in cold
countries they are more robust, stronger, more enter-
prising, and more courageous than they are in hot
climates, or even in France itself. For this reason it
will be better to have Canadians, accustomed to cold
and fatigue, to conduct these establishments on
Labrador.

It may be said, that to start these colonies on the
Labrador will be too expensive for the King, who has
other more pressing claims upon his purse.

I reply, that it is possible to make these establish-
ments without costing the King anything. What M. de
Courtemanche has done at Bay Phelypeaux has cost
the King nothing. The others will not cost the King
more. It is only necessary to engage two Canadians,
wise and enterprising, to undertake the settlements at
Petit Nord and Kassessaki as M. de Courtemanche has
done at Bay Phelypeaux. In order that these men
should not ruin themselves, but should even grow rich
in sacrificing themselves for the State, it is necessary to
grant to them all that is possible, to heap upon them
honours.

In order that these posts may be peopled and
become important, it is necessary by bounties and

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 143

privileges to induce the Bayonnais and other French,
and especially Canadians, to establish themselves there
and develop the commerce of the country, particularly
the fishery, the profits of which are immediate, certain,
and inexhaustible, and do not require a great outlay.
It is necessary also to give to those who shall undertake
the settlements of Petit Nord and Kessessaki, (which
should be named Labradorville), the title of Com-
mandant or Captain, if they have it not already, as in
the case of Bay Phelypeaux, and to give to each his
entire company to reside at his post. Instructions must
be given : —

1. Not to encroach one upon the other, to live in
peace and harmony, and on no account to entice away
the savages the one from the other.

2. To forbid the savages to make war on one
another.

3. To live in peace with the savages, to civilize
them, trade with them, and induce them by kindness to
come and live near the French. Especially not to do
them any violence or injustice.

4. To have the care of missionaries who shall work
at the conversion of the savages and the salvation of
the French.

5. To explore the country not only on the coasts,
but also in the interior. To ascend all the rivers to
their sources, and to engage the French as well as the
Jesuits to seek the savages in their own homes, and to
accompany them on their hunting trips and voyages.

6. To examine the quality of the earth, to see if
there are mines of copper, iron, or other metals, if there
are valuable stones, such as marble and porphyry, if
there are woods fit for houses and ships, if there are
medicinal plants or drugs. In short, to discover all that

t44 LABRADOR

the country may produce. Nearly all countries are less
fertile along the sea coast than in the interior.

7. To be sure to rear cattle and sheep, pigs and
goats, and even horses. If the Canadian species are
not able to resist the climate, it is necessary to intro-
duce cattle from the Faro Islands or Iceland, which are
countries more rugged and cold than Labrador. These
animals will provide food for the colony and manure
for the lands, to render them capable of producing
grain, vegetables, and root crops.

8. To endeavour to tame the caribou, which is the
same animal as the reindeer, so greatly used by the
Laplander and Russians, but it is necessary to avoid any
appearance of magic.

9. To breed quantities of birds, fowls, pigeons, geese,
ducks, etc.

10. To sow wheat, rye, oats, barley, and other grains.
Oats and barley will grow well and afford food for the
cattle and fowls. Without doubt Turkey wheat will
grow with a little care.

In Poland, where the lands are cold, they sow a little
salt to warm them and render them fertile. The same
must be done in Labrador, or grain must be brought
from Canada.

11. To plant all sorts of vegetables, peas, beans,
lentils, etc., and also to endeavour to cultivate fruit
trees.

12. To cultivate all sorts of roots and salads, which
grow very well at Bay Phelypeaux, so M. de Courte-
manche tells me, and are of great benefit to the crews
of the fishing vessels.

13. For the use of the fishermen, to have at each
settlement one or two large inns, well built, with good
beds and other conveniences for the comfort of the

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 145

seamen, but drunkenness and all other debauchery
must be strictly forbidden.

14. At each settlement there must be a Cure, an
honest man, with a church well and properly adorned,
where service can be performed with decency. It
is a means to inspire the savages with respect and an
inclination for Christianity. It is fitting that these
Cures should be of the St. Sulpician order or some other
community, if the Jesuits will not undertake the work.

15. The commandants must be instructed to keep
the Crown informed of all that is required for the good
and for the increase of the settlements.

16. They should take care that solid and commodious
houses be built, for which they should furnish plans.
Lime can be made in the country, and it is possible to
make bricks, tiles, and pottery.

These means, and many others known to those who
are more experienced than I, are able to render the
settlements on the Labrador very considerable in a
short time and without any expense to the King, and
to attract there numbers of vessels which will bring
all that is required, and take back fish, oils, and other
produce. This will maintain a great commerce, will
enrich the country and the merchants, and be very use-
ful to the State,

If it is possible to keep bees one can make hydromel,
as in Muscovy and Poland, where quantities of bees
are kept, although they are more northern countries
than Labrador.

The wool from the sheep will furnish clothes. Also
clothes may be made from the sheep skins, as is the
custom in many places, and of seal skins like the
Eskimos, who are very properly clad.

The ships can bring them wine and other commodities

L

146 LABRADOR

which the country is not able to furnish, and in exchange
the inhabitants will give fish, oils, etc., which the country-
produces in such quantities that they will be able to
buy all the commodities of France and Canada they
have need of, and the colony will become a rich and
powerful State.

The colony of Placentia is a place more sterile than
Labrador. This barrenness occasions the colonists to
apply themselves entirely to the codfishery, which fur-
nishes the means to supply them with all that is neces-
sary and even to grow rich.

It is possible, perhaps, that it will be more advan-
tageous for the colonists of Labrador and for the State,
that they should apply themselves entirely to the fishery
which produces such immense profits.

Two difficulties are still made.

1. That in Labrador the cold is of such long duration
and so stormy that the colonists v/ould not be able to
stand it. To which I reply, that Norwegians and Swedes
do not mind the cold at all, and that good houses, well
sealed with wool or moss, are complete protection against
it. Add to this that Canadian men and women, who will
form these colonies, are accustomed to the severest cold.

2. It is said that there are not sufficient food and
commodities there to support a large colony. I reply
that beef, veal, mutton, and game are not wanting,
neither are fish, fresh and salted, nor vegetables and roots.

It is possible to raise excellent pigs, but they must
not be allowed to eat fish, and during the fishing season
must be kept at a distance from the sea. Beef and
pork, and also the caribou meat, can be salted and
smoked. The country abounds with game, and the
birds furnish abundance of good eggs.

Oats and barley will come to maturity, and with

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 147

the great commerce in the products of the country are
more than sufficient to support a large and numerous
colony. If the wheat and rye will not come to maturity
they can be imported from Canada, which will be a
good thing for Canada. It must be admitted from
all I have stated in this memoir, that the reasons for
establishing colonies on the Labrador are convincing,
and the means thereto ample and easy.

It remains then to carry out the proposal, to
grant permission to those who have the courage to
found these settlements, and to accord to them all that
is suitable in order that they may not be ruined in
sacrificing themselves for the honour and advantage of
the State as well as for God and Religion.

Six months later, the author supplements this memoir
with additional information received from Labrador in
three letters from M. Courtemanche and M. Lair, his
chaplain, and reiterates his proposition for the establish-
ment of three colonies on the Labrador. M. Lair's
letter is addressed to Madame de Courtemanche, who was
in Bayonne, and is of much interest. It is written from
Bay Phelypeaux, October i6th, 1716: —

" Madam,

" This is to salute you as the most humble of your
servitors. I trust that this present will find you well
and happily arrived in France.

" After your departure, the savage Eskimos have
visited your coasts. They came first to Forteau,
where the people of Sieur de la Rue had commerce
with them the first Sunday after your departure.
Mestay, who was out shooting, saw them first on
the point between the fishing stages of Vallee and
Chardot, and came after vespers to give the news

148 LABRADOR

to M. Courtemanche, and hastened to send Mon-
sieur, your son/ with some of your people to speak to
them and occupy them while he made ready one of the
boats to go himself. But the Eskimos, who apparently
noticed that yourjpeople were not afraid of them, and
also being much terrified at the sight of a man on horse-
back, fled during the night, and M. Courtemanche has
not been able to find them, although seeking them for
three days in his boat.

" I assure you. Madam, that M, de Courtemanche
exposes himself too much to the wind and the rain,
which falls without ceasing, and caused much anxiety
to Mdlle de Courtemanche and all of us until his return.
He is somewhat upset by the hardships of his journey,
but I trust, by the Grace of God, it will be nothing.

" This journey of M. Courtemanche has not prevented
these savage animals from having taken many boats
from the coast. I do not know how many there were
at Isle au Bois, but your people say there are but two
old ones left, and one of them is wrecked. They have
broken open the huts, upset the stages, and choped up
the barrels in which the seines were stowed away. They
have done the same at Little River, besides throwing
all the grappling irons into the water, scattering the salt,
and cutting the seines in pieces.

" Your children. Madam, are well ; your little
daughter often asks if you will return soon. There is
no news in the family circle. Take care of your health.
Madam, and do not be worried about Monsieur, whose
indisposition will be nothing. A good look-out is
always kept for the Eskimos.

" I take the liberty. Madam, to sign myself,

" Your very humble and obedient servant,
" Lair. Pretre."

' Sr. de Biouagiie, by a former husband.

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 149

Courtemanche writes that this band of Eskimos
numbered about eight hundred, and that they had
firearms of various sorts in their possession. As they
were thought to be too timid and ignorant to use them
themselves, it was supposed that some Europeans had
taken up their abode with them.

Our enthusiastic memorialist does not seem to have
been deterred by this disturbed condition of the
country, but suggests that his proposed settlements
should be further protected by a watch tower of
thirty to seventy feet high, and an armed brigantine
ready at all times to go in pursuit of any marauding
bands of Eskimos. His representations, however,
were unheeded, and the great and populous towns
which he prophesied for Labrador are as far off as
ever.

The reports from the coast the following year but
repeat the stories of attacks from the Eskimos, " who
only put foot to ground in one harbour to steal what
they require and then fly off to another."

In October a band of them arrived at Bay Phelypeaux
who appeared to be peaceably inclined, and came with
Courtemanche to the fort, " and in no time the house
was overrun with these barbarians as if they had been
brought up there." They stole everything they could
lay hands on, even the buttons from M. Courtemanche's
coat. Leaving Bay Phelypeaux, they wintered about
fifteen leagues to the westward. On the 15th May
following they returned, but would not enter the fort
again. When Courtemanche tried to persuade them,
they apparently misunderstood his peaceful intentions
and attacked him. In the fight which ensued Courte-
manche took one of the boats and made prisoners
of the occupants, one woman, two girls, and a little

I50 LABRADOR

boy. Of the latter it is laconically written, " qui receu
la baptime avan sa mort."

We gather from these different letters and reports
that Courtemanche lived quite the life of a Grand
Seigneur on the Labrador. With his French and
French-Canadian trappers and fishermen, and thirty
to forty families of Montaignais Indians, the settlement
must have been quite large, and justified the estimate
made of the ruins in 1840 that they represented about
two hundred houses.

Courtemanche died in 17 17, and was succeeded by
his son-in-law, de Brouague, Writing on September
9th, 171 8, to the Council of the Marine, Brouague
acknowledges their letter of February 9th, and thanks
them for appointing him Commandant of " Bras dort,"
and for the grant from His Majesty that " we should
enjoy the establishment which the late M. de Courte-
manche had made." It will be noticed that Brouague
thanks the Council for the grant in the name of his
mother and half-sisters as well as his own.

His reports seem to be quite illiterate compared
to those of Courtemanche. For forty-one years, almost
without intermission, he wrote an annual letter to the
Council of the Marine, detailing the events which
took place on the Labrador. They consist prin-
cipally of accounts of the depredations of the Eskimos,
and his efforts to warn and protect the fishermen,
It soon became a practice to make Bay Phely-
peaux the headquarters for the coast, and at
the end of each season the fishermen brought their
boats and gear for him to take care of, knowing that
anything left unguarded would be stolen or destroyed.
On several occasions small sealing posts, where three
or four men only were employed, were attacked and

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 151

the fishermen slain. Reprisals were naturally of
frequent occurrence, and the Eskimos were shot with
little compunction by the enraged fishermen. Brou-
ague's post was by no means a sinecure. One of his
duties was the settlement of disputes among the fisher-
men themselves. As in our own day, the favourite
'• berths," i.e. fishing stations, were much sought after, and
excited great competition, fair and otherwise. The cus-
tom seemed to be for each vessel arriving on the coast
to go or send to Bay Phelypeaux and procure a licence
to fish in the locality each had selected in turn of
arrival. Some of the fishermen did not conform to
this regulation, those from the Province of Quebec
particularly refusing to recognize Brouague's authority,
often occasioning broils which he was powerless to put
down.

Each year he made a list of the vessels fishing on
the coast, with the name of the captain, the number
of men employed, and the quantity of oil and codfish
secured (see Appendix). Isle au Bois and Blanc Sablon
seem to have been the favourite fishing places ; a
preference which has been displayed from Cartier's
time to the present date.

The methods pursued in the fishery at that time are
not recorded, but Brouague writes to the Council of the
Marine saying that some of the captains had protested
against the use of "faux" — that is, "jiggers." They
stated that many more fish were wounded than were
taken, that the wounded fish fled away and were
followed by the rest, and that they were of opinion
that if the practice was continued the codfish would
abandon the coast as they had that of Petit Nord,
Newfoundland. A memorandum is made on the
margin of this report to call the attention of the western

152 LABRADOR

towns to the protest. Happily their misgivings were
not realized.^

Brouague set himself to learn the Eskimo language
from the woman taken captive in Courtemanche's time,
and was afterwards able to converse with them. He
solemnly records some astonishing tales about the
Eskimos, learned from this woman. One tribe, she
said, were mere dwarfs, two or three feet high, but
remarkably fierce and active ; another tribe had white
hair from the time of their birth, while a third bore
a remarkable resemblance to the " Uniped " seen by
the Norsemen, having one leg, one arm, and one eye.
A curious persistence or repetition of a myth.

On several occasions, if not every autumn, Brouague
sent a party of Montaignais Indians, under the command
of some of his French-Canadian trappers, to New-
foundland to spend the winter hunting and trapping,
game being more plentiful on that island than on the
Labrador coast. He instructed them to keep a look-
out for the Red Indians of Newfoundland, and to
endeavour to make friends with them. They wintered
at Bell Bay, which appears on the Chaviteau map,
1698, and Bellini map, 1741, and is undoubtedly Bonne
Bay. They found that the Beothuks had been there
quite recently, but had left and could not be found
afterwards. The Montaignais said they were quite a
numerous race. There is a tradition that the Mon-
taignais and Beothuks were always good friends, and
that the remnants of the latter unhappy race left
Newfoundland and joined their friends on the Labrador,
a tradition which one would be glad to find true.

In 1729 a Boston vessel was driven by a south-west

^ The use of jiggers is prohibited on the Canadian Labrador in the
present day.

THE FRENCH ON LABRADOR, 1700-1763 153

gale into Isle au Bois, and was promptly confiscated by
the admiral of the port, but afterwards released. A
few days later, four Boston vessels put into the same
port, but left the next morning. These were no doubt
the forerunners of that numerous fleet which in later
years monopolized the fisheries on that coast.

The last report from Brouague which I have been
able to procure was written in 1743 ; but he continued
at his post for at least sixteen years longer, for in 17 59
a letter was written by the President of the Navy
Board in Paris to the Governors of Quebec, comment-
ing on the depredations of the Eskimos, and suggesting
that another commandant be appointed on the coast of
Labrador in place of Brouague, " who was old and
worn out"! Finally, in 1762, the President of the
Navy Board declined to grant to an applicant the con-
cession lately held by the Sieur Brouague, " which goes
to Sieur de Courtemanche, if the English offer no
objection."

Therefore Brouague's death must have occurred
between 1759 and 1762, possibly before the conquering
English sent to dispossess him of the post which he had
so honourably filled for forty-one years.

The settlement at Bradore must soon have been
abandoned and fallen into ruins, which eighty years
later were mistaken for the remains of the mythical
town of Brest.

154

LABRADOR

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX

Year.

No. OF Ships.

Qtls. Fish.

Men.

1720

20

36,000

1721

17

40,000

1722

28

1726

15

37,000

1729

18

33,000

1275

1731

18

34,900

1406

1732

15

1733

15

46,900

1243

1735

16

50,600

1465

1736

15

56,000

1141

1739

17

48,500

1173

1742

17

55>7oo

1231

1743

14

535600

1000

The fishery was carried on principally at Isle aux
Bois, but also at Bradore, Blanc Sablon, Forteau, and
St. Modeste.

A vessel went into Chateau in 1742, for the seal
fishery, and traded peaceably with the Eskimos, evi-
dently a notable occurrence, showing that the harbour
had not been frequented previously. During this period
the Basques sent three to six vessels annually to Port-
au-Choix on the north-west coast of Newfoundland^
but are not reported on the I^abrador coast.

CHAPTER X

THE ESKIMOS

A WITTY writer once described the Eskimos as :
" Singular composite beings, — a link between
savages and seals, — putting the seals' bodies into their
own, and encasing themselves in the skins of the seals,
thus walking to and fro a compound formation. A
transverse section would discover them to be stratified
like a roly-poly pudding — first of all seal, then biped,
seal in the centre with biped, and seal at the bottom.
Yet, singularly enough, these savages are cheerful and
really seem to enjoy life. Though in the coldest and
most comfortless dens of the earth, they are ever on
the grin whatever happens, — they grin when they rub
their noses with snow, when they blow their fingers^
when they lubricate themselves inside and out with the
fat of the seal. ' Truly, then,' as Sterne says, ' Provi-
dence, thou art merciful ! ' "

When one considers the extraordinary life the Eskimos
lead, in regions where no other human beings could
long subsist, much less flourish, it must be conceded
that the writer, quoted above, has stated a natural fact,
and that evolution and environment have produced a
type of human being which has actually some points
of resemblance to the animals upon which it principally
subsists. One striking point of resemblance is the
abundant adipose tissue with which beneficent nature

IS5

156 LABRADOR

has covered both man and animal to enable them to
live in such intense cold ; also the Eskimo, in his
kayak, on the water, is so wonderfully expert, that he,
as well as the seal, may be said to be amphibious.
John Davis, one of the earliest English observers to
write of them, said : " They are never out of the water,
but live in the nature of fishes."

" Eskimos " is the name bestowed upon the race in
contempt by the Indians, and means in the Algonquin
language, " eaters of raw flesh." It was first used, in
the form of " Esquimawes," by Hakluyt in his Discourse
of Western Planting, 1584. They speak of themselves
as " Innuit," that is " men," in distinction to the rest of
the world, whom they call " Kablunaet," meaning " sons
of dogs." The common national appellation, in both
Greenland and Labrador, is " Karalit," the meaning of
which is not clear, but is probably derived from " Kalla,"
the Adam of their traditions.^

The origin and history of the Eskimos is one of the
most interesting ethnographical studies. It is one of
the most widely spread of human families, scattered
bands of them occupying the whole northern part of
America, from Greenland to Behring Straits, a distance
of over five thousand miles. Throughout this enormous
region the same language is spoken, the same customs
prevail, and the same weapons are used. When some
of these families were first encountered by white men,
they had been so long separated from the rest of their
race that all knowledge and remembrance of them had
been lost.

Dr. Kane found one tribe who were greatly surprised
to learn that they were not the sole inhabitants of the

^ Another explanation is that it is derived from Skraeling, the name
given to them by the Norsemen.

THE ESKIMOS i57

earth, which, however, in their case, was somewhat
circumscribed.

The Greenlanders had some knowledge of having
come from the far west, where others of their race
lived, but the Labrador branch knew nothing of the
Greenlanders, and it is thought probable that a thousand
years might have elapsed since any communication had
taken place between the Labrador Eskimos and the
inhabitants of Behring Straits. It is surprising, there-
fore, to find that the language had remained almost
identical with these long-separated tribes. The first
Moravian missionaries, who had learned the language
in Greenland, were able to converse with the Labrador
Eskimos on their first encounter with perfect under-
standing ; and Brother Meirtsching, a Moravian Mis-
sionary from the Labrador, who accompanied the
McLure expedition to the Arctic regions north of
Behring Straits, reported that the language, spoken by
the Eskimos there, was identical with that of Labrador.
Quite recently (1901) one of the Moravian Brethren
went from Labrador to Alaska, and was able to con-
verse with the Eskimos there quite freely. Captain
C. F. Hall, who lived familiarly with the Eskimos in
Frobisher's Straits for several years, gives evidence
which somewhat qualifies the above. He says : —

" The pronunciations of the same words by Eskimos
living a considerable distance apart and having little
intercourse, is so different that they can hardly under-
stand each other on coming together. It was with the
greatest difficulty that the Innuits who came to Field
Bay from the northern shores of Hudson's Straits could
make themselves understood by the Innuits residing
north of them. Sometimes Innuits arrive from North-
umberland Inlet, and it takes a long time for the two

158 LABRADOR

parties to understand each other. Still more difficult
is it for a Greenlander to be understood by those on
the west side of Davis Strait."

Hall seems to speak of pronunciation rather than any
actual difference of words or construction, which seem to
be the same practically throughout this enormous region.

This indicates that through all these hundreds,
perhaps thousands of years, no development or change
has taken place in their manner of life, and no necessity
has arisen for new words or expressions. It also be-
tokens a remarkable aloofness from other nations, as
any intercourse would certainly have left some trace
upon the language. Brother Miertsching did, however,
discover one tribe of Eskimos in North-West America
whose dialect had been considerably changed by associa-
tion with the neighbouring Indian tribes.

From some similarity of physique it was long sup-
posed that the Eskimos had sprung from the Mongolian
race and had gradually spread from Asia to America.
Crantz, the historian of Greenland, supports this theory,
but later writers have demonstrated that the contrary is
the case, and that the Asiatic Eskimos are, in fact, a
contribution from the New World to the Old, and that
this migration took place in comparatively modern
times. No resemblance can be traced between the
Mongolian and Eskimo languages, but the Eskimo
language has the polysynthetical construction which
characterizes American-Indian languages, and has no
counterpart among the languages of the Old World ex-
cept, in a very moderate degree, the Basque, A recent
visitor to the Basque Provinces remarks that the facial
characteristics of the people are strikingly Mongolian.

Dr. Rink, who is considered the greatest authority on
the Eskimos, made a very close analytical study of the

THE ESKIMOS 159

different dialects spoken by them, and deduced from his
studies the theory that they once inhabited a narrower
original home. That they were probably, in some far
off age, an inland people who had followed one of the
great rivers down to the Arctic Ocean, and from thence
spread east and west to the regions in which they were
found at the dawn of modern history.

It is probable that the antecedents of the Eskimo, as
well as of the American tribes, became separated from
the rest of mankind at a very early period of the world's
history, and that environment and evolution have pro-
duced the remarkable characteristics for which they are
noted.

It has been noted that the Eskimo, in physique, in the
shape of his skull and also in his weapons and implements,
bearsa striking resemblance to the Cave men. Thiswould
lead one to imagine that the Eskimo is therefore a case
of arrested development, and that they had been left be-
hind in the general development of the human race.
But when the surroundings in which they were forced to
live are considered, it must be concluded that the Eskimos
had ascended as far in the scale of human life as it was
possible for them to reach. Their dress, their food, their
habitations, their weapons, and habits were all the best
possible that could be evolved for their circumstances. In
theirprimitive condition, as ahumanfamily,theyincreased
and flourished ; under civilization with civilized food,
dress, etc., they have become rapidly decadent, and must
soon disappear from those northern confines of the earth
which they have made their own, and where no other
branch of the human family can or will succeed them.

Franz Boas, in his interesting studies of the Eskimos,
calls attention to the curious fact that their name for
" whitemen," — Kablunaet or Kodlunet, is the same from

i6o LABRADOR

Greenland to Behring Straits, and so far as history is
able to tell us, the first encounter between Eskimos and
Europeans took place about nine hundred years ago in
Labrador, and the next three hundred years later in Green-
land. As there had certainly been no communication with
the Western Eskimos for hundreds of years, how did the
latter learn the name? A possible explanation is that
the name at first implied all foreigners not Eskimos,
and only lately came to mean white men in particular.

Boas believes that the original home of the Eskimo
is the lake region west of Hudson's Bay, for the reason
that the Western Eskimos point eastward as the scene
of the exploits of their traditional heroes, the Labra-
doreans and Greenlanders point westward, and the
Eskimos of the far north point to the south. All
authorities are agreed that the tide of emigration spread
from the western side of Davis Straits to Greenland.

The theory has been advanced that, historically
speaking, the Eskimos inhabit a diminishing area, being
gradually forced to more and more northern regions by
the enmity of the Indian tribes. But no evidence has
been produced to show that they ever occupied any por-
tion of the eastern seaboard of America south of the
Straits of Belle Isle, except that they were in the habit
of making summer excursions to the North of New-
foundland. When, however, one considers what enor-
mous distances of place, and consequently of time,
separate Eskimo tribes having precisely similar customs
and language, it is evident that long jeons of time were
requisite for them to have developed their well-known
characteristics, and for them to have accommodated
themselves to the Arctic regions which have become
their natural habitat. It can therefore be asserted con-
fidently that, during historic times, their range has been

THE ESKIMOS i6i

co-extant with that of the seal on which they mainly
subsist, and consequently has never been farther south
than the north shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

The first encounter between Europeans and Eskimos
occurred when the Norsemen visited Labrador and
Newfoundland about the years 1000-1003. There is no
record in the Icelandic sagas of their race being known
prior to that time, and, in fact, all Icelandic historians
state definitely that no human beings were found in Green-
land when they first went there, although broken oars
and other debris showing men's handiwork were oc-
casionally seen upon the seashore. It was not until the
middle of the fourteenth century that the Eskimos
suddenly made their appearance at the Norse settle-
ments in Greenland, and therefore the accounts of the
" Skraelings," encountered in Vinland as told in the
saga of Eric the Red, were not derived from knowledge
obtained in Greenland.

It has already been related how the attacks of the
" Skraelings " caused the Norsemen to abandon their
project to settle in Vinland, and how they completely
extirpated the Norse settlers in Greenland, so that for
nearly two hundred years Greenland itself was wellnigh
forgotten.

The first knowledge of the Eskimos obtained by
Englishmen was when three savages, " clothed in beastes
skinnes, who eat raw flesh," were presented to King
Henry VII by Sebastian Cabot.

It is a very curious circumstance that Jacques Cartier
does not mention seeing the Eskimos during the several
voyages which he made along the southern Labrador
coast. The Indians whom he describes were undoubtedly
the Montaignais, and one is inclined to decide that there
were no Eskimos on that coast at that time, as he went

M

i62 LABRADOR

on shore in many places, and would certainly have
described them had he encountered them.

Neither are they mentioned in the accounts of the
voyage of Roberval, who next followed Cartier through
the straits, nor in the Routier of Jehan Alphonse. The
Routier Rime oi ]eh.2Ln Mallart, 1^4.6-y, says: —

" The people inhabiting Labrador are dressed in furs.
Their houses are in the ground. The land is cold and
covered with ice ; here and there are found pine trees,
but no others. The coast is dangerous by reason of ice
and islands."

A legend on the Mattioli map of 1547, describing the
inhabitants of Baccalaos (Newfoundland), says they ate
raw flesh, which the Beothuks did not do ; further on it
says of the inhabitants of Labrador that they were
idolatrous and warlike, and clothed themselves in skins
as did the inhabitants of Baccalaos. Thus indicating a
hazy notion of the Eskimos, but not specifying that they
occupied the Straits of Belle Isle.

Gomara's history of the West Indies, 1551, gives a long
account of the inhabitants of Labrador, which does not
describe the Eskimos in any particular.

The demons which are so quaintly pictured with
wings and long tails on the map of Gastaldi-Ramusio,
and the Island of Demons which is found on so many
maps off the Labrador coast, indicate some vague
knowledge of the Eskimos. But, except in the sagas,
no description of them can be found until the voyage
of Frobisher in 1576.

According to Geo. Best's Nai-rative of this voyage,
great friendliness was displayed by the Eskimos when
first encountered. The}/- came aboard the ship, bringing
salmon and other flesh, which they bartered for " bells,

THE ESKIMOS 163

looking-glasses and other toys." " After great courtesy
and many meetings," the mariners relaxed their vigi-
lance, and five of them going on shore one day were
entrapped, and neither they nor the boat were seen
again. This attack seems to have been entirely un-
provoked ; but we know only one side of the story.
Later on, Frobisher succeeded in decoying one of the
men to his kayak alongside the ship, and seizing-
hold of him " pluckt him and his boat into the ship."
This man was taken to England and made much
of; his portrait, painted by Jan Van Heere, is still
preserved in the public library at Antwerp. On the
next voyage Frobisher captured a man and a woman,
hoping to find out from them what had become of his
lost sailors. The woman had a little infant with her,
which was unfortunately wounded in the arm. The
surgeon of the ship bound it up with some healing salve,
" but she, not acquainted with such kinde of surgerie,
plucked the salves away, and by continued licking with
her own tongue, not much unlike our dogges, healed up
the child's arm."

Preserved among the State Papers at the Record
Office is a long account of the illness and death of the
man and a description of the woman, written in Latin
by Dr. Edward Doddinge. It is an interesting docu-
ment, but lack of space precludes its reproduction.
The man, whose name was " Calighoughe," died of
pulmonary disease, brought on by having two ribs
broken at some previous period which had not reunited.

When called to see him at the last, Doddinge applied
some restorative, which caused him to rouse himself
and to recognize his friends. He uttered a few words
of English that he had been able to learn, " then sang
aloud the same chant with which his companions and

i64 LABRADOR

countrymen, standing on the sea-shore, had lamented
his own departure. Just as swans, foreseeing all the
good in death, utter a song of joy as they die. Scarcely
had I left when he passed from life to death with these
words on his lips, ' God be with you ! ' "

Doddinge was deeply grieved not only by his death,
but by the thought that Her Gracious Majesty, Queen
Elizabeth, who had expressed a great desire to see him,
would be disappointed. The woman was very un-
willingly persuaded to attend his burial, and Doddinge
notes that " she either surpasses all our countrymen in
wisdom and patience, or falls far short even of the
brute creation in feeling, for she displayed absolutely
no emotion at his death and no sorrow for it, making
clear, by this last attitude, what we had long suspected,
that she regarded him with complete contempt, and in
fact had shrunk from his embraces."

John Davis, when he re-discovered Greenland, found
the Eskimos there in great numbers, and by " curtesee "
endeavoured to allure them. " When they came unto
us, we caused our musicians to play, ourselves dancing
and making many signs of friendship." By means of
this gentle and genial behaviour they got on very good
terms. " Many times," he relates, " they waved us on
shore to play at the football, and some of our company
went on shore to play with them, and our men did cast
them down as soon as they came to strike the ball."
He declared them to be " very tractable people, void of
craft or double dealing, and easily to be brought to any
civiltie or good order." But when he encountered them
on the Labrador on his second voyage, they treach-
erously attacked and killed some of his crew, " without
having offered parley or speech."

After Davis, the next information obtained of the

THE ESKIMOS 165

Eskimos is from the early seekers of the North-West
Passage, — Hall, Hudson, Button, Gibbons, Knight, etc.,
who met them in Hudson's Straits or northern Labrador.
They all had the same story to tell : friendliness and
good-humour at first, suddenly changed into treacherous
enmity and fierce attacks, without any apparent cause.
It hardly seems possible that all these voyagers were to
blame in this respect, and we know, on the contrary,
that it was the general policy of all English voyagers
to cultivate friendly relations with the Indian tribes,
even to the extent of taking " musicians, hobby-horses,
and such-like conceits," for their amusement. It must
be concluded, therefore, that the Labrador Eskimos
were a particularly fierce and truculent race. It is pro-
bable that their desire for and appropriation of the
boats, the wonderful new weapons and implements which
the white people possessed, caused the first breaches of
the peace. In their savage state they were also a most
arrogant race, esteeming themselves the lords of creation
and despising the " Kablunaet." At the end of the
eighteenth century, after they had had considerable in-
tercourse with Europeans, Cartwright relates that this
feeling of superiority still generally prevailed, and it was
to give them a more correct idea of their relative im-
portance that he took a family of them to England
with such sad results, as will be told later.

The Eskimos seem to have been the Ishmaels of
North America, — their hand was against every man,
and every man's hand was against them. Their feuds
with the North American Indians were continual and
bloodthirsty to a terrible degree. I have given reasons
for my belief that the Eskimos did not frequent south-
ern Labrador and the Straits of Belle Isle at the
time of the discovery. I am of opinion that they did

i66 LABRADOR

not move south until some time after the coast began
to be frequented by Basque, French, and English fisher-
men, and that it was the desire of obtaining iron tools
and weapons and other European articles which in-
duced them to do so. This period I place at the end of
the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.

It has been already noted that Hakluyt, 1584, was
the first European to make use of the name Eskimo
given by the Indians to the race. Charlevoix says
{History of New France) that the Indian tribes nearest
the Gulf were continually at war with the Eskimos,
and often took them prisoners ; one such event took
place in 1659, when a woman was captured who was
possessed of a devil, but who became quiet and docile
after being sprinkled with holy water.

The French, when they began their settlements
along the coast about 1702, found the Eskimos in
considerable numbers in the Gulf of St. Lawrence,
even as far west as Anticosti. Tradition tells of a
series of battles between the Montagnais, assisted by
the French, and the Eskimos, in which the Eskimos
were continually defeated and driven back to the
Atlantic coast. Pointe des Monts is said to have
been the theatre of one of these fights, and Old Fort
Bridge another. Quite recently evidences of battle
have been found at the latter locality, in the shape
of broken weapons and bullets of antique mould. The
best authenicated tradition is that about the year 1640
the Montaignais, armed by the French, attacked the
Eskimos, who were encamped at Eskimo Island in St.
Paul's Bay, and slew about a thousand of them. The
remnant, estimated at two thousand, fled to the east-
ward, but waged incessant warfare with the Indians
and early French settlers on the coast. The last fight

THE ESKIMOS 167

of importance is said to have taken place at Battle
Harbour a few years before the English conquest of
Canada, and a certain spot there is still pointed out as
the burying-ground of those who fell in the encounter.^

The numbers reported to have been slain in these
encounters are no doubt greatly exaggerated, and it
seems improbable that anything in the way of a pitched
battle could have taken place at all, as such a direct
method of warfare was entirely contrary to the practice
of either the Indians or Eskimos.

While such are the traditions of continual battles,
I have been unable to find authentic support for
them in any accounts of Labrador. Charlevoix tells
of the enmity between the Indian and Eskimo races,
and in a previous chapter, " The French Occupation
of Labrador," may be found further tales of general
hostilities, but nowhere is there an account of anything
which can be termed a battle.

This racial enmity was not confined to the eastern
seaboard. When Hearn made his famous journey to
the Coppermine River he was accompanied by Indian
guides, who, as they approached the mouth of the river,
were continually on the look-out for Eskimos, and
having unfortunately discovered a small family, attacked
and killed them in a most ferocious manner, in spite of
all Hearn could do to prevent them.

No serious disturbance is known to have taken place
after the arrival of the Moravians on the coast. In
1855-60 the Indians suffered terribly from hunger, and

^ It has been supposed that Battle Harbour obtained its name from
this occurrence, but in reahty the name is found on many maps as
"Batal" two hundred years before the fight is said to have taken place.
The meaning of the word is quite clear, being the Portuguese word for a
boat or canoe. On the Viegas map, 1534, a Golf du Batel is marked in
the neighbourhood of Placentia Bay, Newfoundland.

i68 LABRADOR

many parties of them were found and brought by the
Eskimos to the Mission Stations, and there supported
on the best they could supply. On another occa-
sion the Indians were able to reciprocate by rescuing
a band of Eskimos who had gone into the interior to
the salmon and trout pools, but being unsuccessful,
were dying of starvation when found by the Indians.

Modern travellers, who have met the Eskimos in
their primitive state, unite in attributing to them the
most amiable and good-natured dispositions. But occa-
sionally tribes have been met with who displayed as
much fierceness and truculency as did those of Labra-
dor in the earlier days. The reason given for the
exceptional character of these tribes was that they had
been subject to continual attacks from the Indians, and
therefore viewed all outsiders with suspicion and hatred.
This excuse can possibly be offered for the Labrador
Eskimos with equal force. The latest traveller to meet
them in their unsophisticated condition is Capt. Roald
Amundsen, during the first famous voyage through the
North-West Passage, just accomplished. He expressed
his firm conviction that the Eskimos, living absolutely
isolated from civilization of any kind, were undoubtedly
the happiest, healthiest, most honourable, and most
contented, and concludes his account of the primitive
Nechili tribe by sincerely wishing that civilization
might never reach them.

Capt. W. Coats, who made many voyages to Hudson's
Bay between the years 1727 and 1751, is a strong
apologist for the Eskimos. He says : —

" I do assert that these people are not near so savage
as is represented by our earlier voyagers, and that their
confidence is in their innocence, not in numbers . . .
a docile, inoffensive, good-natured, humane people."

THE ESKIMOS 169

He considered it unpardonable for the Hudson Bay-
Company not to have attempted their conversion and
civilization. He said they were bold, hardy, and un-
daunted, living in affluence and plenty, " and would not
change their fat dabbs for all the luxuries of the East
. . . they look on us with more compassion than we do
them ... in these is such a serenity and camposedness
on every occasion {7iot but they are veiy fond of iron),
that I have often beheld them with great admira-
tion." The veiled allusion to their thievish habits, in
parenthesis, is very quaint.

It is difficult, therefore, to theorize upon this matter,
and it seems safer to conclude that their conduct de-
pended largely upon the treatment they received.

One thing only seems certain, that up to the time
of the English occupation, the Eskimos were the terror
of the Straits of Belle Isle and southern Labrador, and
largely interfered with the prosecution of the fishery on
that coast. The story of their civilization and con-
version to Christianity will be told later.

No trustworthy evidence is obtainable as to the
number of Eskimos in Labrador when it was taken
possession of by the English. The Moravian Mission-
aries estimated their numbers at 3000 when they began
their work in 1763. Lieut. Curtis, who visited the
Moravian settlements in 1773, says he had been at
some pains to obtain information on the point. His
estimate was as follows : —

From Straits of Belle Isle going north,
the first tribe was known as that of
Ogbuctoke . . . . .270 persons

The Nonyoki . . . . . 100 „
,, Keewedloke .... 360 ,,
„ Nepawktoot . . . . 70 ,,

I70 LABRADOR

The Cannuklookthuock . . .

345 persons

,, Chuckbuck ....

140 ,,

„ Chuckbelwut ....

40

„ Noolaktucktoke

30 „

„ Nuckvak .....

60

From Nuckbak north into Ungava Bay

210 ,,

1625

No doubt the estimate of the Moravian Brethren is
more likely to be correct

CHAPTER XI

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION

AFTER the taking of Quebec and conquest of
1^ Canada, Labrador naturally fell into the hands
of the English. At that time, it is said the Eskimos
so infested the Straits of Belle Isle that it was not
safe for a fishing vessel to go there alone. An organized
band of Eskimos came each summer from the north,
ostensibly for the purpose of trading, but they generally
contrived to obtain very much more of the coveted
European goods by stratagem and force than they did
by fair means. Their plan was to creep along the coast
endeavouring to find some unsuspecting fishermen, and
at night or in foggy weather to make a sudden descent
upon them, uttering the most frightful yells, in the hope
that the fishermen would abandon their property and
flee. Such was the terror in which they were held that
this often had the desired effect. If, however, the
Europeans stood firm, the Eskimos at once came for-
ward in the most friendly way and began a barter trade ;
but if the fishermen relaxed their vigilance for a moment
they were attacked and murdered in the most barbarous
fashion.

One of the earliest acts of Sir Hugh Palliser after
the transfer of Labrador to Newfoundland was to issue
the following " Order for Establishing Communication
with the Eskimo Savages " : —

171

172 LABRADOR

Order for Establisliing Communication and Trade with the
Esqiiimaux Savages on the Coast of Labrador^ ^7^S-
BY HIS EXCELLENCY HUGH PALLISER, ETC.

Whereas many and great advantages would arise to His
Majesty by establishing a friendly intercourse with the Indians
on the Coast of Labrador, and as all attempts hitherto made
for that purpose have proved ineffectual, especially with the
Esquimaux in the Northern Ports without the Straits of Belle
Isle, owing in a great measure to the imprudent, treacherous
or cruel conduct of some people v/ho have resorted to that
Coast, by plundering and killing several of them, from which
they have entertained an opinion of our dispositions and
intentions being the same towards them as theirs is towards
us, that is to circumvent and kill them. And whereas such
wicked practices are most contrary to His Majesty's senti-
ments of humanity, to his endeavours to induce them to trade
with his subjects in conformity to these His Majesty's senti-
ments and Commands. I hereby strictly forbid such wicked
practices for the future and declare that all such as are found
offending herein shall be punished with the utmost severity of
the law.

And Whereas I am endeavouring to establish a friendly
communication betw^een His Majesty's subjects and the said
natives on the Coast of Labrador, and to remove these pre-
judices that have hitherto proved obstacles to it. I have
invited Interpreters and Missionaries to go amongst them to
instruct them in the principles of religion, to improve their
minds, and remove their prejudices against us. I hereby
strictly enjoin and require all His Majesty's subjects who
meet with any of the said Indians to treat them in a most
civil and friendly manner and in all their dealings with them
not to take any effects from them without satisfying them for
the same, not to impose on their ignorance or necessities,
not to foment or encourage quarrels, discord or animosities
amongst them.

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 173

And above all things not to supply them with strong liquor,
which at present the Northern Esquimaux have an aversion
to, but by all fair, just and gentle means, to encourage and
invite them to come with their commodities to trade with
His Majesty's subjects and to be particular kind to such of
them as may produce copy of this which is to serve as a
certificate of His Majesty having taken them under his pro-
tection. And that I have in His Majesty's name assured
them that they may safely trade with all his subjects without
danger of being hurt or illtreated. And I hereby require and
direct all His Majesty's subjects to pay the strictest regard
thereto, at the same time recommending it to both parties to
act with the utmost caution for their own security, till by
frequent communication perfect confidence may be established
between them.

Given under my hand, 8th April, 1765,

Hugh Palliser.

By Command of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

Sir Hugh went to Chateau Bay himself in his ship,
the Guernsey, in order to open the friendly relations
with the natives, which he advocated. As an example
of " the state of nerves " v/hich the Eskimos had con-
trived to produce in all who visited Labrador at that
time, witness the following anecdote. It is related by
Sir Joseph Banks, the great traveller and naturalist,
in the manuscript journal of his visit to Newfoundland
and Labrador in 1766, which has never yet been pub-
lished. It is an amusing commentary on Sir Hugh's
proclamation published above : —

"In August, 1765, as Commodore Palliser in the
Guernsey, a 50-gun ship, lay in this harbour (Chateau)
expecting the Indians, one dark night in a thick fog.

174 LABRADOR

the ship's company were alarmed by a noise they had
never heard before. Everyone awake conjectured what
it could possibly be. It came nearer and nearer, grew
louder and louder ; the First Lieutenant was called up.
He was the only man in the ship who had ever seen an
Eskimo. Immediately he heard the noise he declared
he remembered it well. It was the war-whoop of the
Eskimo, who were certainly coming in their canoes to
board the ship and cut all their throats. The com-
modore was acquainted ; up he bundled upon deck,
ordered the ship to be cleared for action, all hands to
the great guns, arms in the tops, everything in as good
order as if a French man-of-war of equal force was
within half a mile bearing down upon them. The
Niger, which lay at some distance from them, was
hailed, and told the Indians were coming, — when the
enemy appeared in the shape of a flock of Whobbies
or Loons, (a species of goose), swimming and flying
about the harbour, which from the darkness of the
night they had not before seen. All hands were then
sent down to sleep again, and no more thought of the
Indians till the Niger s people came on board next day,
who will probably never forget that their companions
cleared ship and turned up all hands to a flock of
'Whobbies.'"

Palliser succeeded nevertheless in getting upon very
friendly terms with four or five hundred Eskimos, and
in his Regulations for the Labrador Fishery, issued on
August 25th, 1765, he gives particular directions for the
conduct of the fishermen towards them. The Fishing
Admirals were enjoined " to prevent anything being
done to break the peace I have made with the Carolit
or Eskimo savages on the 21st inst., who have promised
to live in friendship with us by night and by day so

ReJ^rodiiced by kind permissioti of the Lords Ccminissioners of the Adjiiiralty
ADMIRAL SIR HUGH PALLISER

Facing p. 174

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 175

long as we forebare to do them any harm." The
privilege of trafficking with the savages, in carefully
prescribed manner, was one of the perquisites of the
Fishing Admirals. But his endeavours were at once
frustrated by the barbarous actions of the crews of
some New England vessels, of whom he complains in
the following letter to Sir Francis Bernard, the Governor
of Boston : —

"St. John's,

''August 1st, iy66.
" Sir,

" The great trouble and difficulty I met with in
keeping good order amongst the fishers in a port of
this Government, occasioned chiefly by a number of
disorderly people from your Province, will, I hope,
excuse me giving you the trouble to beg you will
permit the enclosed advertisements to be put up in the
towns under your Government, where the vessels
employed in the whole fishery mostly belong, which I
apprehend will greatly facilitate my proceedings in the
execution of the King's orders for the benefit of His
Majesty's subjects carrying on the fisheries within this
Government. The last year while a tribe of four or
five hundred Eskimo savages were with me at Pitts
Harbour, and by means of interpreters I made a peace
with them, and sent them away extremely well satisfied
and without the least offensive thing happening to
them, I am well informed some New England vessels,
contrary to the orders, went to the northward, robbed,
plundered, and murdered some of their old men and
women and children who they left at home, so that I
expect some mischief will happen this year, revenge
being their principle.

" Hugh Palliser."

176 LABRADOR

This, by the way, is the earliest record of the New
England vessels frequenting the coast in any numbers.

In a letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty in 1766,
Palliser complains that the small sloops which he had
under his command were not fit for the work which
they had to do, and which he thus describes :

" To keep the French within the limits prescribed by
treaties, and thereby prevent their rivalling us in our valu-
able fish trade. To prevent this country becoming a mart
for all kinds of clandestine trade between the French and
our own colonies. To enforce the fishing laws and
preserve peace and some degree of order amongst the
fisheries, especially amongst the mixed multitudes now
resorting to the new northern banks about the Straits
of Belle Isle, composed of about 5000 of the very
scum of the most disorderly people from the different
colonies, disturbing each other, and conspiring to ruin
and exclude all British adventurers from that new and
valuable fishery. The whole number of men and ships
employed in these parts this year amounts to about
3500 vessels and 15000 men employed on board of
them, which adds to the confusion, and this upon a
coast inhabited by the most savage people in the
world — the Eskimo.

" All these circumstances have required the whole
number of King's ships on the station and my utmost
endeavours to preserve peace and prevent bloodshed,
and to prevent the greatest mischief."

This is a very confused letter, and it seems impossible
that there could have been anything like that number
of fishermen frequenting the Labrador coast at that
period.

It was with the greatest difficulty that Palliser could

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 177

keep the French from poaching upon the Labrador
and Belle Isle. In spite of warnings they continued
to offend, even to the extent of trying to bribe the
officers of His Majesty's ships for permission to remain.
Palliser therefore posted up notices at Croque in 1765,
saying that any French vessels thereafter caught
poaching would be confiscated.

In the eyes of Sir Hugh Palliser, the sole value of
Newfoundland and Labrador was that they should be
kept as a nursery for the British Navy. Granting that
this was the end chiefly to be desired, his regulations
were admirable. On April 13th, 1766, he addressed the
following letter to the Admiralty, giving his views in
full :—

[Copy. ] April 13, 1766.

Proposals fo7' Encom^aging the Fisheties on the Coast of
Labradore, and for Improving that at Newfoundland}

The following Proposals are founded on a Knowledge of The
Valuable Fisheries, That may be carried on upon the Coast of
Labradore ; and suggested, by taking a View of, and reflecting
upon, a compared State of our's and the French Fisheries in
Newfoundland, and The great Disproportion of the Advantages
arising therefrom to each Nation respectively ; Also on a Con-
clusion that Fisheries (Abstracted from Pecuniary Advantages)
are of the utmost Importance to all Maritime Nations ; and
more particularly to this. They being the greatest and most
certain Nurseries for Seamen : Yet observing, That by Neg-
lects, Abuses, and the want of proper Regulations, The
Advantages, That are absolutely Necessary for the Safety of
The State may be lost ; As is verified by the present State and
Management of our Newfoundland Fishery, which instead of
being a Nursery for, is the true Cause of the often experienced

^ Additional MS S., 33,030, f. 220-225 (Brit. Mus.)
N

1 78 LABRADOR

Scarcity of Seamen, for Manning our Fleets on sudden j and
Dangerous Occasions ; and is an Effectual Bar to all such
Increase of Seamen as is provided for by the Laws of This and
all Nations, relating to Fisheries.

My Poor and Humble Opinion here offer'd for Establishing
a JVetv British Fisheiy and towards recovering the most
ij}tportant Advantages of an Old One, is most Humbly submitted
to Consideration.

I. First, as to The New One.

If Regulations are made for the Coast of Labradore, calcu-
lated to encourage Adventurers, from His Majesty's Dominions
in Europe, It will, in a short Time, prove a great Source of
Wealth and Naval Strength to This Kingdom ; But, in Order
To secure These Advantages to the State, The Regulations,
That may be made, should, in my Humble Opinion above all
Things,

First, Provide against The Existence of any Pretensions ivhat-
ever to property, or Exclusive Right or Possessions, or Monopolies,
on that Coast ; which should be declared Publick, and Free to
all the King's Subjects, with all proper Preferences and Advan-
tages to Those from His Majesty's Dominions in Europe.

And next, In Order To put a Stop to The Horrid Massacres,
and Many Other Mischiefs committed on the poor Natives of
that Country by Numbers of Lawless People from all Parts,
resorting Thither; JVo Residents whatever, (as yet) should be
permitted, durijig The Winter, and The Absence of The King's
Ships ; except what may be particularly mefitioned in the Regji-
lations, 'Till a farther Knowledge can be obtained concerning
the Nature of the Country, The Indian Inhabitants, &c., &c. ;
in Order to make such farther Regulations, as may hereafter be
judged best for The Benefit of The Fisheries, and The Trade
of His Majesty's Subjects.

That, To encourage Adventurers To begin The Fishery in a
proper way, a Bounty be Immediately offer'd to British Ships
resorting Thither, directly from His Majesty's Dominions in
Europe, properly Equipt for both The Whale and Cod Fishery ;

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 179

Such a Bounty to depend o?t the Number of Men actually going
mi t from, and returning directly to His MajestVs Dominions in
Europe, with a Proportion of Neiv Men, (viz.) Every Fifth
Mati to be a New or Green Man, (That is to \ say) Not a
Seaman, or having ever been at Sea before ; with such other
Restrictions, and Conditions, as may Effectually guard against
Abuses, and fully answer The Main Objects of bringing Home
and Increasing Seamen.

If Part of This Bounty was paid, on The Ship's Sailing, T^ri-/
giving proper Security for performing IVie Conditions prescribed
for the Voyage, as is The Practice in France, It would send
out great Numbers of New Adventurers and Industrious
Fishermen, Independent of Rich Merchants ; and This will
prevent The Fishery being a Monopoly to a Few.

Such a Bounty would produce to the Nation, all the Advan-
tages proposed, by That now given to The Greenland Ships,
but in a far greater Degree, both as to The Number of The Men
to be employ'd, and thereby secured in constant Readiness for
Defence of The State, as by The great Profits That will arise
from the Labour of such Increased Number of Men; For the
Bounty now paid, on an Average of The Three last Years to The
Greenland Ships, is not less than ,-/,'26,oco p' An., for not
more than 1800 Men, employ'd | Therein; which amounts to
1411. 8s. od. p"^ Man. If a Bounty is given, as before
proposed, at ^Q-^ ^ Head, which, I think, would be proper To
begin with; when It amounts to That Sum, It will provide
8666 Men in Constant Readiness for Manning our Fleets,
besides a Yearly Increase of 1,733 such Men.

Whatever Bounty is at first given to This Fishery, in a few
Years, may be lessen'd, after It is once set a Foot ; and That
The Block-Houses, hereafter proposed, are fnish'd upo7i That
Coast.

It must be observed. That the two Principal Branches of
this Fishery, are for Whales and Cod, The others for Seals and
Salmon ; Also the Ifidian Truck are very hiconsiderable Objects,
co?npared with the two first ; Therefore The Regulations with

i8o LABRADOR

Respect to Them should consider- them only as Articles to be
bestowed as Rewards to the most Adventurotis and Industrious
in the other two. This seems proper for raising a Useful Spirit
of Emulation, and is what I studied to do by My Regulations
for That Coast, the last year, by granting certain Priviledges
respecting those Articles to \ the V\ 2'^ ajid j'^ arriving Ships in
each port from Europe; For It must also be observed, That
the Ports that admit of proper Situations for Sea!i?ig, or Rivers
for Salmon^ or Places resorted to by Indians, are but few.

As a farther Encouragement, and Security, to British
Adventurers upon That Coast as well during the Fishing
Season, as for such Winters Crews, as by the Regulations to
be made, They may be permitted to leave, I would propose ;

That the Coast be divided into Three Districts^ viz. The
North, The South, and The West, Each containing about 100
Leagues of Sea Coast ; That a King's Ship be stationed on
Each, during the Fishing Season, as well for Protection of The
Fishery, as for regulating Disputes and Disorders amongst the
Fishers ; That at so?ne of the Principal Ports, in each District,
be e?'ected a Strong Block-House, for the Security of such
lVi?iters Creivs, and of the Boats, &'c'^, left on the Coast by the
Fishers ; such Block-Houses to be in such Situations, as may
be found best for These Purposes. This will also be Estab-
lishing the Possessory Right to the whole Country.

The Block-Houses here proposed are of a New Construction,
far stronger than any other hitherto used ; affording double the
Defence and Conveniencies of any other hitherto constructed
of the same Dimensions, yet not more Expensive.

Besides, the Bounty above proposed, for setting on Foot the
New Whale and Cod Fishery on the Labradore Coast, If a
Bounty was to be given for a few Years only to all Ships bring-
ing Home not less thaii 21 Alen, directly from the Fisheries of
Newfoundland, at the Rate of jO shillings a Head, That being
the present Price of a Man's Passage Home, It would prove
a great Encouragement to the Trade, greatly contribute to
restore the Ships Fishery there, prevent our men running to

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION i8i

America, lessen the Number of Residents in Newfoundland,
draw from thence many thousands of Men who remain there
only for Want of the Means of returning ; And this, together
with what may be expected from The Labradore Fishery, will
soon provide such a Number of Men always at Hand in This
Country for Manning our Fleets, as would be in effect a
Register'd Marine Guard for | Security of the Nation against
all sudden Dangers, without distressing other Branches of
Trade, and prove a Real Nursery for Seamen.

Scheme for Executing what is here proposed — For Estab-
lishing the Block-Houses.

The Commanders of the King's Ships on that Coast to be
directed, this Year to look out for and make Report of Places
within their Districts fit for such Posts ; Each of the Stationed
Ships, the next Year, to carry out all Materials, That can't be
had There, with proper Workmen for Erecting one of These
Block-Houses in Their Respective Districts, and this Method to
be Observed Yearly, till as many are Erected, as may be
thought necessary.

I have visited and examined York or Chateaux Bay, with
all its contained Harbours ; A^id as This will always be the
principal Port on that Coast, If I am empowered, I will under-
take myself to see One of these Useful Block-Houses finished at
that Place this Year ; This will be an Immediate Encourage-
me?it to The Adventurers, and Establish the Possessory Right
to the Country at a Place in the Center of the whole Coast.

I would propose to leave ift these Block-Houses, either a Sea
Officer with a Party of Seamen, or a Marine Officer ivith the
like Number of Marines, belongifig to the Stationed Ship, (or a
Detachment from the Garrison at St. John's) such Officers and
Men to be relieved Every Year.

6 or 7 Men in each or at the Most lo Men, Officer included,
fully sufficient. The Officer during this Temporary Residence
vested with the Power of a Justice of Peace.

Such Part of These Block-Houses, as are to be of Wood,
may either be framed and prepared here, carried out, and

i82 LABRADOR

Immediately set up there, or a proper Number of Workmen
may be sent out in Each Frigate, and Build them with the
Timber there, carrying such other Materials as may be wanted ;
Either of these ways I apprehend the Expence will not be
great, may be exactly Estimated, and the Precise Time of their
Execution ascertained.

If They are to be wholly of Stone, The Expence, I appre-
hend, will be considerable ; Besides the Uncertainty of meet-
ing proper Stone there. But This may be better Judged of
hereafter, I would therefore recommend that One Block-
House on the afore-mentioned Plan, this Year, be first erected
of Wood, at York Bay, in case of a Disappointment of
Stone.

Annex'd is a Sketch of the Block-Houses here proposed
with the Engineers Estimates.

It will greatly facilitate the Establishment of the Fisheries,
and procure a safe and Peaceable Access for His Majesty's
Subjects to the Coast of Labradore, If the Brethren of The
Unitas Fratrum are encouraged to settle amongst the Indians,
as Missionaries, (which they are very Solicitous to do) I would
therefore propose to grant them any Priviledges, That may not
be inconsistent with the Prosperity, and Freedom of the
Fisheries ; and to give them one of the afore-mentioned Block-
Houses to themselves to live in, at any Place they might pitch
lip on.

The French now give a great Bounty to Their Newfound-
land Fishery ; Their particular Regulations I have not been
able to get : But the Object thereof is, To secure the Return
of Their Men to France, with a certain Yearly Increase of
such Men; From the best Account I have been able to get.
The Bounty which their Merchants actually received, the last
year, amounted to between 3 and 4 Poiinds p'' majt upon
13,362 Me7i, which they had employ'' d the last Year.

Now, If the Court of France finds Her Account in Paying
40 or 50 Thousand Pounds p' An. for the Return of 13,362
Men from Her Fisheries, | with a Yearly Increase of One in

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 183

Every Five on that Number, It becomes a Matter of Considera-
tion, Wiiether an Equal Sum would not be well laid out by
Britain, for providing Double that Number, To give us the
Superiority over France in that Important Article of Men,
fit for, and always ready to man our Fleet, which we are now
absolutely robb'd of by the present Method of the Fisheries
being carried on. The men remaining There ; Therefore never
to be had for that Service ; Nor have we such Yearly Increase
as France has ; But on the Contrary, a Loss of great Numbers
That yearly run to America.

Hugh Palliser.

April 13. 1766.

[Endorsed :] Proposals for Encouraging
The Fisheries on the Coast
of Labrador, and for Improv-
ing That at Newfoundland.

R. from Comm'^ Palliser on
his Attendance at the Adm'^
Board, The 14 April 1766.

Sir Hugh energetically endeavoured to carry out these
propositions, and was particularly harsh in his treatment
of w^ould-be settlers.

In his evidence before a Committee of the House of
Commons in 1794, he boasted there were three thousand
men less in the colony of Newfoundland at the end of
his term of office than there were at the beginning.
Thus carrying out in full Lord North's elegant dictum
"that whatever the would-be colonists wished raw
was to be given to them roasted, and whatever they
wished roasted was to be given to them raw." But in
spite of all hindrances the settlement of the country
continued.

While discouraging any permanent settlement in the

184 LABRADOR

colonies, Palliser was full of consideration for the
fishermen, especially for those employed in that branch
of the fishery carried on by vessels sailing every year
from Great Britain known as the "Ship Fishery." When
he returned to England he became a member of the
House of Commons, and introduced and pushed through
the House a Bill known commonly as Palliser's Act
(15 George HI), for the encouragement of the Ship
Fishery by bounties, and the betterment of the fisher-
men. This Act was very unpopular with the merchants
interested in the fishery, and is said nearly to have
ruined the industry it was intended to encourage. One
of its clauses enacted that advances made by the
merchants to the fishermen were only good to the
extent of one-half of the men's wages. The position
of the unfortunate servants had up to that time been
pitiable. They were kept almost in a state of slavery,
poorly paid, badly treated, and encouraged to spend
their hardly earned wages in drink and unnecessaries.
In the same House of Commons Report which is quoted
above, one witness states that " rum is a material neces-
sary of life in Newfoundland." The duty was three-
pence per gallon only, so that it could be freely indulged
in, with what results may be easily imagined. The
following is a characteristic servant's account which
was submitted at this enquiry : —

THOS. LEAMAN, Debtor to WILLIAM COLLINS.

1787-

£

s.

d.

15th Oct.

To

I quart of rum

0

I

■^

0

10 lbs. tobacco .

I

0

0

17th „

2 cotton shirts

0

18

0

I quart rum

0

I

3

30th „

I „ brandy

0

I

3

12 th Nov.

I „ rum

0

I

3

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION

185

1787.

£

s. d.

12 th Nov.

To

I pair shoes .... 0

9 0

>j

1 gallon rum .

0

2 6

5)

I quart rum

0

I 3

20th „

J)

I 55 55

0

I 3

25th „

5J

I 5, 55 I lb. s

oap

0

2 3

29th „

))

I 55 55

0

I 3

2nd Dec.

)!

^ 55 55

0

^- 3

7th „

))

^ 55 55

0

I 3

8th „

)J

^ 55 55

0

I 3

9th „

))

I 55 55

0

I 3

17th „

)5

I lb. tea .

0

5 °

)!

I quart rum

c

I 3

iSth „

>)

'^ 55 55

0

I 3

2ISt „

)5

'f 55 55

0

I 3

24th „

:j

2 quarts ,,

0

2 6

26th „

))

I lb. sugar

0

I 0

1788.

4th Jan.

J)

I quart rum

0

I 3

))

I 55 55

0

I 3

7th „

!)

-'^ 55 5)

0

I 3

))

I lb. pepper

0

5 °

8th May

))

I yard half ribbon

0

I 0

loth „

J>

I quart molasses

0

I 0

nth „

55

I „ brandy

0

I 3

i8th „

55

I „ molasses

0

I 0

24th „

55

I „ brandy

0

I 3

2nd June

55

h gallon gin

0

2 6

55

I quart molasses

0

I 0

loth „

55

2 quarts brandy

0

2 6

i6th „

55

I quart „

0

I 3

55

I quart molasses

0

I 3

30th „

5>

I 55 55

0

I 3

55

your washing .

I

0 0

55

your doctoring

0

8 0

55

your hospital ,

0

2 6

J5

neglect of duty and upholding
and encouraging of two men

who ran away in my debt

20

8 0

£27

0 3

1 86 LABRADOR

CONTRA, Cr.

£ s. d.

By his summer's wages . . . . . 26 o o
Balance due William Collins . . . .103

£^1 o 3

Account as settled by Judgement of the Court.

Wages agreed for ..... . £2^

By the 14 Sec. 31st Cap. 15, George III, No em-
ployer is to advance to his servant in money
liquor or goods more than half the amount
of his wages . . . . . . -13

Due Thomas Leaman . . £1^)

which William Collins is to pay immediately or
he will be prosecuted for it, and for the penalty
of the Act, in the Court of Session.

There can be no doubt that Palliser did much to
mitigate the hard lot of the fishermen, however harsh
he may have been to the settlers.^

It will be seen later that the endeavours of Palliser
and his successors to carry out on the Labrador the
Fishery regulations of Newfoundland occasioned such
opposition from certain grantees of fishing posts on
the coast, that the whole Labrador was transferred to
the jurisdiction of Quebec.

Governor Carleton of Quebec addressed two letters
to him in 1766 and 1767, requesting that certain
Canadians be permitted to retain fishing posts occu-
pied by them.

^ Palliser's Act did not carry out in full the intentions expressed in his
"Memorandum." No bounty was offered for codfish caught on the
Labrador coast. To be entitled to the bounty it was provided that
codfish must be caught on the banks and cured on the Newfoundland
coast. But l)y another clause bounties were offered to the first five ships
arriving from the whale fishery, with at least one whale, taken in the
Gulf of St. Lawrence or on the coasts of Labrador and Newfoundland.

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 187

Sir Hugh replied refusing this request, and saying that
it was the intention of the King to reserve the Labrador
fishery for the adventurers from Great Britain.

He, however, naturally received the hearty support
of the Ship Fishers from England, who in 1767
addressed the following memorial to him : —

Memorial from the Merchants Adventurers in
Labrador, iy6y

TO HIS EXCELLENCY HUGH PALLISER, Etc., Etc.

We the undersigned being Adventurers in the Fishery from
Britain to the Coast of Labrador, beg leave to represent to
Your Excellency that We and a great many others are deter-
mined to pursue the Ship Fishery with spirit to this Coast,
since by your measures it is made manifest that we may
depend on being supported therein under the Rules and
Regulations prescribed by the Statute of the loth and nth
of William III and that the Government will provide a
sufficient security for the Persons, Ships, Effects and Shipping
Works of the Adventurers, as well from the several nations
of Savages of the country, as from the depredations, outrages
and encroachments which we have been exposed to, from the
many lawless crews resorting hither from the different planta-
tions and elsewhere.

And as We are satisfied your measures are proper for pre-
serving good order and for the public benefit, without giving
undue preference to Individuals, We beg leave to offer to
your consideration our Opinion that it will be a great en-
couragement to the Ship Fishery, if such fishing ships as
may first make a new place and fishing conveniences thereon
can be only allowed to enjoy the same to their own use and
benefit, so long as they continue to occupy and use the same
with British fishing ships yearly, but no longer ; a Declaration
of your sentiments upon this head, and that you think such
a custom will be conformable to the intention of the said

i88 LABRADOR

Statute for extending and improving the fishery, will, we know,
determine great numbers immediately to become ship adven-
turers to this Coast from Britain.

On this occasion We also beg leave to return our thanks
for the advantages We have already experienced from the
pains the King's Officers upon this Coast under Your
Excellency's directions, have taken for putting a stop to the
great disorders that have of late years been committed on
this Coast by lawless crews from the Colonies, by which
great advantages to the nation have been lost, the Coast
kept in a state of War, and the utmost confusion reigned
amongst the many different people from the different Colonies,
all disputing, contending and obstructing each other, and ye
whole conspiring to exclude and ruin Adventurers from Britain.

We beg the continuance of your measures for supporting
us in our rights and privileges as Ship Fishers from Britain,
arriving yearly Equipped and Manned as the aforementioned
Statute directs, against all obstructions and interlopers, and
particularly that care may be taken for preserving the woods
for the uses of the Fishery, which is already very scarce,
many tracts of many leagues each having been already fired
and destroyed by the aforementioned disorderly crews, and
above all, We hope that you will not allow of any Patents
or Grants from the Governors of any of the Plantations, for
any persons whatever to hold exclusively any particular
districts or Harbours on this Coast, or any branches of the
Fishery thereon, such as we have been informed the Governor
of Quebec has made, since such a practice would prove not
only the immediate ruin of us, but of ye whole Fishery in
general.

Signed by all the Adventurers Ship Masters
AND Agents upon the Coast this year.

From a marked similarity in portions of the language
of the memorial to the letter written by Sir Hugh to
the Admiralty previously quoted, the suspicion naturally

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 189

arises that the memorial was, in part at least, inspired.
Sir Hugh replied to this memorial as follows : —

Extract from Governor'' s Reply to MercJimits' Memorial^

1767.

All inhabitants, settlements and possessions upon this Coast
of Labrador between the limits of the Government of Quebec
and the limits of the Hudson Bay Companies Charter are
forbid by His Majesty's Proclamation of the 7th October,
1763 and all persons who had then made any settlements
here under pretended grants from any of the Governors of the
Colonies, or any other pretence are by the said Proclamation
warned to withdraw and quit the same, therefore ; and for
better securing the Ship Fishers' Works from being destroyed
in their absence, no person can be permitted to stay on this
Coast in the winter till His Majesty's farther pleasure shall be
known, except ye masters of three of the first arriving fishing
ships at or within the limits of each principal Harbour here-
after named, may choose to leave each a crew of twelve men
(who agree to stay) and no more for the winter sealing voyage,
etc., the foreman or shippers of such privileged crews to be
proven trusty men, and to be furnished with a certificate from
the Master of the fishing ship to which they belong, who is to
be answerable for the conduct of his crew so left, and to make
good any damages they may commit to the fishing works.
The Masters of the three first arriving ships who intend to use
this privilege must in future declare it in writing to the fishing
Admiral at each principal port on or before the first day of
August each year ; this is allowing full as many crews as there
are Posts within the Umits of each Port fit for the Seal Fishery,
and this reference thereof given to the first arrivers is intended
as a reasonable and useful reward and encouragement to the
most adventurous and industrious Ship Fishers, besides this
limitation of the number of winterers, is absolutely necessary
for preventing constant quarrels about these sealing Posts, and

I90 LABRADOR

likewise many other quarrels, outrages, disorders and even
frequent shocking murthers, that yearly happen amongst
numbers of such people staying in this desert country, like-
wise to prevent quarrels, murthers and acts of violence against
ye natives of ye country by which they will be provoked to be
always our enemies and to obstruct ye fishery.

And as a further encouragement to ye ship adventurers on
this Coast, a strong blockhouse is erected in Pitt's Harbour,
with an officer and a guard established there under ye pro-
tection of which they may leave any number of boats, craft,
and fishing utensils in perfect security during ye winter ; and
it is intended to erect others such for ye same purpose at
other convenient places along ye Coast. On this footing ye
fisheries on this Coast must remain, till ye King may please
to order it otherwise.

Given under my hand in Pitt's Harbour, Labrador, loth
August, 1767.

Hugh Palliser.

By Order of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

The fort here alluded to was known as York Fort,
and was planned by Capt. Dobbieg and Lieut. Bossett,
Engineers at St. John's. Sir Hugh sent Lieut, Beardsley
in the We//s cutter to report on the requirements for
building the fort, and as the season was then too far
advanced for it to be undertaken, he was directed to
build a " defencible house." Sir Thos. Adams, in
H.M.S. Niger, was directed to assist him. Sir Joseph
Bank's journal contains the following entry : —

" September 7th. At last York Fort was finished,
which everybody agrees was a very surprising piece of
work to have finished in the time it was almost entire!}^
by the ship's company. Lieut. Waters has taken up
his residence there, and I have spared him the only

■ .?■

."■'■■'1

\/

\>y\ \

YORK FORT

Facing p. 190

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 191

thermometer I have left. He promises to give me an
account of the weather next year."

It does not seem possible that the elaborate fort
originally planned could have been built in such a short
time, and I therefore conclude York Fort was only
a " defencible house."

Each successive officer commanding York Fort was
instructed to protect the fishermen, to apprehend and to
bring to trial any irregular crews from the colonies
whose misdeeds had been such a continual source of
trouble, to cultivate friendly relations with the Eskimos,
but to take every precaution against being surprised by
those treacherous savages, and to prevent the French
from encroaching on the Labrador fishing grounds.
The garrison were strictly forbidden to interest them-
selves in the fishery or any commercial enterprise.

York Fort, however, did not prove to be of much
benefit or protection. Admiral Duff wrote in 1775 to
Governor Carleton, of Quebec, that he had procured the
sentiments and opinion of the merchants and traders
there on the matter, and they had stated that the gar-
rison at York Fort was of no material benefit to the
winter residents, and he had consequently given orders
for it to be withdrawn.

The ordinance and stores were taken to St. John's
and given in charge of the ordinance storekeeper, Mr.
Edward White, who rendered an account of them to
Governor Montague.

Hatton and Harvey in their history of Newfoundland
say that York Fort was captured by an American
Privateer in 1786 (see 1778), and again by the French
under Admiral Richery, in 1796.

On the latter occasion the English are said to have
made a gallant defence and then to have retired after

192 LABRADOR

having destroyed their stores. This account has been
repeated by Packard and other recent writers about
Labrador.

There seems to be no foundation for either story in
fact. To begin with, York Fort was not garrisoned in
1778, and we can be sure if it had been would have
been carefully avoided by that " lying rascal Grimes," as
George Cartwright calls him, in the American Privateer,
Minerva. Attacking forts was not his line of business.
Cartwright gives a full account of his doings on the
coast, and says that Grimes went into Temple Bay and
took three vessels from Noble and Pinson, but does not
mention the taking of York Fort.

In 1780 guns and ammunition were sent from St.
John's for the defence of Spear Harbour, Labrador.
Admiral Richery's descent upon the coast in 1796 was
not a much greater feat of arms than that of Grimes.
He took and destroyed the little fishing village of Bay
Bulls, hovered off St. John's for a few days, but think-
ing discretion the better part of valour sailed to the
Straits of Belle Isle, where he wrought considerable
havoc among the fishing fleet.

The Colonial Records for 1796 do not contain any
account of Admiral Richery's attack on the Labrador
fishing establishments, but in the following year Captain
Ambrose Crofton, in H.M.S. Pluto, was sent to report
upon the state of the fishery on the Labrador, the
Magdalene Islands, and the more remote parts of
Newfoundland.

In a letter dated H.M.S. Pluto, Miquelon Island,
September 17th, 1797, he reported to the Governor
of Newfoundland as follows : —

" From Croque Harbour I proceeded to Temple Bay,
Labrador, and having been informed that the French

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 193

[meaning Admiral Richery's squadron], continued at
Temple Bay two days after it was abandoned by the
inhabitants, I thought it proper to have the British
Colours hoisted in form, and gave the Merchants Agent
a written document similar to the enclosed : —

" Whereas three ships of war belonging to the
French Republic supposed to be part of a squadron
under the Orders of Admiral Richery— did in the month
of September last, Attack, Land and Destroy by Fire
and otherwise the British settlement in the Harbour of
Temple Bay, on the Coast of Labrador — also the two
Forts on Temple Point which were erected by the
Merchants for the defence of said Harbour,

"Therefore to prevent the French Republic having any
claim to the settlement in Temple Bay or to any other
part of the Coast of Labrador,

Know all men by these presents that I, Ambrose
Crofton, Esq., Commander of His Majesty's Ship Pluto,
do publicly take possession of the said settlement
and Harbour of Temple Bay — likewise the Coast of
Labrador, in such manner to all intents and purposes
as the said Coast of Labrador was considered to belong
to the Crown of Great Britain previous to the arrival of
the French ships of war here last September.

And I further Certify that I have done this in pursu-
ance of Orders from the Hon'ble William Waldegrave,
Governor of the Island of Newfoundland and its De-
pendencies, Vice Admiral of the Blue, Commander-in-
Chief of His Majesty's Ships and Vessels employed
and to be employed at and about the Island of New-
foundland, the Islands Magdalines and Anticosti, and
upon the Coast of Labrador, from the River St. John's
to the entrance of Hudson's Streights.
o

194 LABRADOR

" In Witness, whereof I have this day hoisted the
Union Flag of England on a Flag Staff erected in the
centre of the Upper Fort on Temple Point in the
presence of the Officers and Ship's Company of His
Majesty's Ship Pluto, and principal inhabitants.

" Given under my Hand and Seal on board His
Majesty's Ship Pluto in Temple Bay the 21st day of
August, 1797. "(Signed) Ambe. Crofton."

Lieutenant Cheppelle, who was stationed on the coast
a few years later, tells that at Lanse-a-Loop Admiral
Richery met with some resistance from Messrs. Noble,
Pinson and Sons who carried on the fishery there, and
who patriotically destroyed all their stores rather than
that they should fall into the hands of the French.
They put in a claim for i^20,ooo to the British Govern-
ment for the value of these stores, but did not succeed
in getting it recognized.

Messrs. Noble, Pinson and Sons had been fully cogni-
zant of the danger they were in, for in 1794 they
petitioned Sir Richard Wallace, the Governor of New-
foundland and Admiral in Command of the Fleet, to
allow the sloop of war Boneita, Captain Wemyss, to
remain on the coast until October. They said that
there Vi^ere nineteen vessels on the coast to be loaded
with fish, oil, and salmon, ten of which belonged to
them, and that they had been left in an entirely de-
fenceless condition. It is therefore evident that there
could not have been any garrison at York Fort or Temple
Bay. But at the same date (September, 1794) Captain
Wemyss reported to Sir John Wallace as follows : —

" At Temple Bay there are four forts.

" I. Fort Carlton on the top of the hill where the

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 195

Colours are shown on a ship approaching the harbour,
where are mounted three 4-lb. carriage guns.

" 2. Fort Wallace at the entrance of Temple Bay,
where there are mounted six 4-lb. and three 6-lb.
carriage guns.

" 3. Fort Sheffield, a store 106 ft. long, fronting
Temple Bay, whereon are mounted eight 9-lb. and five
4-lb. carriage guns.

" 4. Fort Charlotte, a small store near the N.E. fishing
stage, whereon are mounted two 6-lb. carriage guns,

" There are no fortifications on the coast of Labrador
but at Temple Bay."

It does not seem possible that either of these small
batteries could have been York Fort, which had been
on a much more pretentious scale, nor does it appear
that they were regularly garrisoned.

The whale fishery in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and
in the Straits of Belle Isle seems to have been carried
on at this period principally by vessels from the New
England colonies, and was the object of much concern
to Sir Hugh Palliser. He issued proclamations in 1765
and in 1766 for the conduct of this fishery, and laid
many injunctions upon the crew for their proper be-
haviour. An abundance of whales was said to be on
the coast in April, May, and June. From the very
earliest days of the discovery of the new lands a
whale fishery has been carried on in these waters,
with short periods of intermission. The present
whaling station at Cape Charles has a long line of
predecessors. Sir Hugh's proclamations on the whale
fishery were again supplemented by Governor Byron
in 1768.

Sir Joseph Banks tells the following interesting
story, which bears witness to the successful whale

196 LABRADOR

fishery of a by-gone age, probably of the " right
whale " : —

"Just opposite to Henley Island and very near it is a
small flat island called Eskimo Island, when last year
in digging, an extraordinary discovery was made of an
enormous quantity of whalebone carefully and regularly
buried upon tiles, and so large that I have been told
by those who saw it that at one time as much was dug
up as, had it been sound, would have been worth
;^20,ooo. It is by age totally decayed, so that it is
scarcely distinguishable from birch bark, which indeed
it has much more the appearance of than whalebone,
dividing itself easily into liminae as thin almost as you
can split with the edge of a knife. The outside parts
are exactly the colour of birch bark. It is supposed
to have been left here by Danes, who in their return
from Greenland south about touched upon this coast
and left several whaling crews, tempted, no doubt, by
the large quantity of whales which pass every year
through the Straits of Belle Isle into the Gulf of
St. Lawrence. Here we are to suppose that the fortu-
nate crew who had taken this immense quantity of
bone fixed their habitation upon this island till the
ships should return as usual. Being attacked by the
inland Indians, they buried their bone for the greater
security, and most probably were cut off to a man, so
that their treasures remained untouched till chance
directed us to them in their present decayed state."

At this period whalebone was worth about ;^45o per
ton, so that the quantity found was about forty-five tons,
and would be worth to-day nearly ;^ 100,000.

Another of Palliser's "Orders" was against the firing
of woods. Dire pains and penalties were promised to

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 197

all who should infringe this most important regulation.
Would that there had always been a Palliser on the
coast to enforce this order ! Where wood takes so long
to grow and is of such very great importance for com-
fort, nay, for life itself in such a cold climate, every
possible precaution should be taken against fires. Yet
Labrador has suffered on many occasions from the
most disastrous fires, and recent explorers report that
vast tracts of the inland have been swept by fire — trees,
shrubs, and mosses all being consumed, and nothing but
the bare rocks left.

The so-called " dark days " which were experienced
in Canada in 1785, and again in 18 14, and which were
at the time thought to have been occasioned by the
eruption of a volcano on the Labrador peninsula, have
since been attributed, no doubt correctly, to these
enormous conflagrations, the effects of which are still
noticeable. The Moravian Missionaries also report
extraordinary dark days in July, 1821.

Two other most important works received PalHser's
hearty support — the survey of the coast by Capt,
James Cook and the establishing of the Moravian
Missionaries on the Labrador. He has been wrongly
credited with having inaugurated both of these bene-
ficial enterprises. Capt. Cook's services for the work
were secured by PalHser's predecessor, Sir Thomas
Graves, and the design of the Moravian Missionaries
to convert the Eskimos originated in their own pious
minds.

Cook had served as master's mate in the Eagle, of
which Palliser was captain, in 1755, and for his ex-
cellent services was recommended by Palliser for
promotion to the rank of master. In this capacity he
served on the Pembroke at the taking of Quebec, and

198 LABRADOR

by his indefatigable labours made himself thoroughly-
acquainted with the pilotage of the St. Lawrence.
He was then appointed to the Northumberland, com-
manded by Lord Colville, at which time he made a
survey of Halifax Harbour. In 1762 he was present
at the retaking of St. John's by Colonel Amherst and
Lord Colville from the French under De Tierney.
During the same summer he made a careful survey of
the harbour of Carbonear and of Harbour Grace, and
reported that ships of any size might lie there in safety.
Sir Thos. Graves, who was then Governor of New-
foundland, would thus have become acquainted with
Cook and seen the excellence of his work. Lord
Colville also wrote to the Admiralty in praise of Cook's
survey work. In the following year, 1763, Graves wrote
to the Board of Trade pointing out the great necessity
for accurate charts of Newfoundland and Labrador,
and asking that a special surveyor be appointed for
that purpose. A few days later he wrote again, stating
that Cook was willing to undertake the work, and on
this recommendation Cook was immediately appointed.
On May 2nd, 1764, the Secretary of the Navy Board
wrote as follows to Commodore Palliser : —

" Mr. Jas. Cook, who had been employed last yere
surveying the Islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon and
part of the Coasts and Harbours of the Island of
Newfoundland, being appointed by the Navy Board
Master of H.M. Schr. Grenville at Newfoundland, and
directed to follow your orders : I am commanded by
my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint
you therewith and to signify their direction to you, to
employ the said Mr. Cook in surveying such Harbours
and parts of the Coast, and in making fair and correct
Charts and Draughts of the same as you shall judge

Rcpioduccii by kind permission of tJie Loi;)'s Coin:iiissioiie7-s of the Adi/iiraiiy.
CAPTAIN COOK

Facing p. ic

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 199

most necessary during the ensueing season, and as
soon as the season for surveying be over, you are to
direct him to repair with the Schr. to Portsmouth and
to transmit the Charts and Draughts to their Lord-
ships."

During the summers 1763-7 inclusive, Cook was
engaged surveying and charting the coasts of New-
foundland and Labrador. For nearly a century his
charts were in use, and it is said that his work was so
accurately done that little alteration has been made in
them since.

His observation of the transit of Venus, April 30th,
1767, was made on a small island near Burgeo on the
south coast of Newfoundland. This island is still called
" Eclipse " Island, and the cairn of stones erected there
by Cook still remains. The results of his observations
were communicated to the Royal Society, and first
brought him into the notice of that body. The acquaint-
ance formed between Cook and Banks while at Chateau
in 1766, no doubt occasioned that eminent naturalist to
accompany Cook on his famous voyage around the
world, for the purpose of "culling simples," as Dr.
Johnson expressed it. Captain George Cartwright also
formed part of the ship's company of the Guernsey
during the summer of 1766.

In 1767 Mr. Michael Lane, schoolmaster of the
Guernsey, was appointed assistant surveyor to Cook,
and succeeded him as master of the Grenville in 1768.
Lane continued the work of surveying the coasts of
Newfoundland and Labrador until 1776. The sailing
directions which Cook and Lane gave in the first
edition of their North American Pilot, are still repeated
on the latest charts issued by the British Admiralty.

One of the most interesting characters among the

200 LABRADOR

early traders to Labrador was Capt. Nicholas Darby,
the father of the famous beauty " Perdita," Mrs. Robin-
son. In her Memoirs, " Perdita " says her father was
born in America and was a man of strong mind, high
spirit, and of great personal intrepidity. There is a
strong presumption that he was a native of Newfound-
land. The Colonial Records for 1763 contain an entry
stating that Nicholas Darby and others were summoned
before the Court at St. John's for dispossessing one Walsh
of his fishing rooms at Zelott, and were fined ;^io. A
few days afterwards he obtained judgments against his
dealers for debts owed him, so that he had evidently been
conducting a business in Newfoundland for some time.
About the same date, one Thomas Darby is mentioned
as being agent in Harbour Grace, of Elson and Co.^
In 1765 Nicholas Darby is again before the Court over
a disputed title to a fishing post. " Perdita " says she
was born in Bristol in 1758, her parents having been
married in 1749. They lived there in considerable
prosperity and comfort until 1767, when a scheme was
suggested to her father of establishing a whale fishery
on the coast of Labrador, and of civilizing the Eskimos
in order to employ them in the undertaking. He went
to London and laid his plans before Lord Hillsborough,
Sir Hugh Palliser, and other distinguished personages.
Receiving great encouragement and promises of assist-
ance from them, he immediately proceeded to carry out
his scheme. He designed to place his children at school
and take his wife with him, but she greatly dreaded the
voyage and could not be prevailed upon to accompany
him. This caused an estrangement to take place

1 The descendants of Thomas Darby are still living in Newfoundland,
but I have been unable to assertain whether he bore any relationship to
Nicholas,

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 201

between them, which finally resulted in a complete
separation.

He established himself at Cape Charles at the
entrance of the Straits of Belle Isle, and endeavoured
to utilize the services of the Eskimos as he had
intended. His good intentions were, however, brought
to nought by the inhumanity of some New England
whalers towards the Eskimos, who, not being able to
distinguish between different parties of white men, in
revenge treacherously attacked Darby's establishment,
slew three of his men, and made off with his boats.
The Eskimos were then attacked by the English and a
regular battle ensued, in which some twenty or more
Eskimos were slain, and four women, two boys, and
three girls taken prisoners. One of the women, named
Mikak, and one of the boys, named Karpik, were taken
to England by Lieut. Lucas, (Lieut. Lucas, a petty
officer of H.M.S. Guernsey, who had been appointed
second in command at York Fort in 1767. He after-
wards went into partnership with Darby, and on his
failure joined George Cartwright). Mikak was possessed
of considerable intelligence, and received a great deal of
attention from prominent people in England. Lucas
learned the language from her, and was commissioned
to carry her back to the Labrador, where she and her
husband Tugluvina played a very important part in the
early relations between the Moravians and Eskimos.

The boy Karpik was placed under the care of Jens
Haven, the devoted Moravian missionary who had
already made a voyage to Labrador, the chosen scene
of his life labours. He endeavoured by the greatest
patience and kindness to win the boy's love and convert
him to Christianity, hoping that he might become in
the future a means of communication with the rest of

202 LABRADOR

his race. But very shortly the unhappy lad was seized
with small-pox and died.

Darby lost nearly all his fortune in this enterprise,
but nevertheless continued to visit Labrador, fishing
and trading, for several years after. Owing to her
father's loss of fortune, " Perdita " a few years later
decided to go on the stage, for which she was trained
by no less a person than David Garrick. There she
was so unfortunate as to attract the notice of the Prince
of Wales, and to fall a victim to that graceless libertine.
Her genius and her engaging manners had brought her
the friendship of many of the most celebrated men of
the day, and her beauty was many times portrayed by
Reynolds, Romney, Cosway, Lawrence, and other cele-
brated painters. At the age of twenty-four she was
seized with rheumatic fever, which left her a helpless
cripple. She supported herself during the remaining
years of her life by her writings, consisting chiefly of
poems and tales. Such was the unhappy life of this
granddaughter of Newfoundland, whose misfortunes
were primarily caused by the failure of a whaling
enterprise on the Labrador.

Nicholas Darby's later history is quite interesting.
He was given the command of a small vessel in the
Royal Navy, and at the relief of the siege of Gibraltar
in 178 1, fought most gallantly and was the first to reach
the Rock. He was received and embraced by General
Elliot, Commander of the Fortress, and praised most
highly for his brave conduct. In some accounts of the
siege he is spoken of as Admiral Darby, but this seems
to have been an error. Not meeting with the reward
from the Admiralty to which he thought he was
entitled, he left the English service and went to Russia,
where he was favourably received and soon obtained

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 203

the command of a 74-gun ship. He died in 1785, and
was mourned by " Perdita " in appropriate verse.

Another prominent man among the early Labrador
traders was Jeremiah Coughlan, whose head-quarters
were at Fogo. Writing to Governor Montague in I777>
he says that he was the first English subject to establish
a sealing post on the Labrador, which he did in 1765 at
Chateau, being encouraged thereto by his " good friend
Commodore Palliser." Later, he entered into partner-
ship with Captain George Cartwright and Lieutenant
Lucas, but on the death of the latter the partnership
was dissolved. Coughlan had two ships annually from
England and employed 140 men. In his letter he
complains that one of his servants, named Peyton,
whom he had sent to a station sixty miles north of
the Mealy Mountains, had tried to usurp his rights to
the post, and prays for redress. The Governor replied
that his jurisdiction over the coast had ceased when it
was transferred to Quebec, but he nevertheless would
send a naval officer to inquire into the matter. This
officer reported in Coughlan's favour, and the offending
Peyton was ordered to relinquish the disputed post.

Sir Hugh Palliser introduced on the Labrador the
same judicial processes which were in force in New-
foundland. The captain of each vessel first arriving in
a port became the Admiral of that port, and was
invested with magisterial powers. The justice dis-
pensed by these fishing admirals is the subject of many
amusing stories in Newfoundland annals.

Being the servants of the merchants in the trade, it
can be easily seen that when disputes arose between
fisherman and merchant justice was not likely to be
evenly dispensed.

In addition to the fishing admirals, the commanders

204 LABRADOR

of H.M, ships on the station were also given judicial
power. At first this power seems to have been intended
by way of appeal, but gradually it became the custom
to hear cases originall}^ as well, especially as by the
ignorance and inactivity of the fishing admirals their
brand of justice fell into contempt and neglect. Chief
Justice Reeves says : —

" Very soon the captains of the ships took cognizance
of contracts, and held courts in which they enquired
into, heard, and determined all possible causes of com-
plaints ; and with no other lights than those furnished
by the statute of William, the instructions of the
Governor, and the suggestions of their own good sense.
, . . The Governor conferred on them the title of
Surrogates, an idea taken from the Admiralty law. . . .
The time of Surrogating was looked forward to as a
season when all wrongs were to be redressed against all
oppressors ; and this naval judicature was flown to by
the poor inhabitants and planters as the only refuge
they had from the west country merchants, who were
always their creditors and were generally regarded as
their oppressors."

The first " Surrogates " for the Labrador, appointed
by Sir Hugh in 1765 were : —

Capt. Hamilton, of H.M. sloop Zephyr, from St. John's
river to Cape Charles ; and

Sir Thos. Adams, Bart, of H.M.S. Niger, from Davis
Straits to York Hr.

Thus was justice dispensed and order kept from 1763
to 1774.

The Board of Trade papers at this date contain many
references to the new fishery on the Labrador. In 1771,
Nicholas Darby presented a petition to the Board stating

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 205

how great his expenses and sufferings had been in
prosecuting a fishery on the Labrador, and prayed for
reh'ef. Which was not granted. The next year he
appeared with another petition again for relief, this time
because he had been dispossessed of a fishing post by
one Samuel Davis, and having obtained a judgment for
£^650 in the Court of the King's Bench, had been unable
to collect the same. But he had no better success than
with his first petition. In 1771 John Noble, of Bristol,
and Andrew Pinson, of Dartmouth, asked for an ex-
clusive grant of Temple Bay and Whale Island. His
Majesty's Commissioners were unable to come to any
decision on the matter, owing to the claims of Canadian
subjects.

In 1773, the Canadian grantees of Sealing Posts
presented a little bill for loss sustained by the new rules
and regulations which were framed for the Whale and
Cod Fisheries.

In January of the same year appeared Geo. Cartwright,
Esq., with a memorial describing the state of the fisheries
and commerce on the Labrador, and complaining of
being disturbed in his possession of a fishing post by
Noble, and Pinson, and praying that he may be con-
firmed in its possession. Commodore Shuldham, Sir
Hugh Palliser, and Mr. Andrew Pinson were requested
to appear before the Board to be examined on the above
petition.

In February their Lordships were of opinion : —

" That actual residence and continued possession were
essentially necessary to the carrying on of the Seal and
Salmon Fisheries on the Coast of Labrador. That such
of His Majesty's subjects of Great Britain and Ireland,
who have taken or shall hereafter take such actual
possession in any of the rivers and bays of the Coast of

2o6 LABRADOR

Labrador to the north of the Straits of Belle Isle, and
who have erected or shall hereafter erect houses and
warehouses and have made or shall make other estab-
lishments necessary to the carrying on of the Seal and
Salmon Fisheries, ought to be protected in such pos-
session, provided such persons do for the future annually
fit out from Great Britain one or more ships to be
employed in the Cod Fishery on the said Coast of
Labrador, and provided also that the greatest care be
taken, that the Proprietor or Proprietors of such fishing
posts do not claim or occupy a greater extent of the
coast within the said bays or rivers than shall be abso-
lutely necessary in proportion to the number of men
employed at the said posts."

This recommendation was adopted, and Governor
Shuldham issued a proclamation putting it into effect as
soon as he arrived in Newfoundland,

At each meeting of the Board, at this time, there was
some discussion on the proposal to transfer the Labrador
to the Government of Quebec, which was finally accom-
plished by Act 14 Geo. Ill, Cap. 83, in 1774.

The Colonial Records, 1774, contain the copy of a letter
from Noble and Pinson to Governor Shuldham, ex-
pressing great regret at the unexpected alteration in the
Government of Labrador. They flatter themselves that
the interests of the adventurers from Great Britain will
not be overlooked, and believe that had the fisheries re-
mained under the late regulations, there would have been
a gi-eat increase of ships and men from Great Britain.

When the country was transferred to the Province of
Quebec disorder again began to reign. The Acts of
Parliament constituting the fishing admirals magistrates,
and appointing the naval Surrogates only applied to
the colony of Newfoundland and its dependencies,

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 207

and no regulations were passed in Quebec to provide
for the government of the coast. The Governors of
Newfoundland, who were always the admirals in com-
mand of the North American squadron, still continued
to supervise the Labrador. Governor Shuldham, in an
order to the officer commanding York Fort, says, after
stating that his authority as Governor had ceased : —

" But it is His Majesty's Pleasure that I do, as Com-
modore of the Ships employed for the Protection of the
Fisheries, superintend those on the Labrador Coast as
well as those of Newfoundland. And that I do in a
particular manner give all possible encouragement and
protection, as well to the Seal and Sea Cow Fisheries as
to the Cod Fisheries carried on by the King's subjects
from Great Britain on such parts of the Coast as are not
claimed as private property under regular Canadian
titles; and that I do also countenance and protect as
much as in me lies, the Establishments formed under the
King's authority by the Society of the Unitas Fratrum
to the Northward of the Straits of Belle Isle. You are
hereby required and directed to take particular care that
His Majesty's pleasure in regard to the several particu-
lars aforementioned be strictly complied with so far as
is dependent on you as Commander of York Fort."

But, as we have read, the garrison was withdrawn the
very next year.

Anspach, in his History of Newfoundland, is authority
for the statement that after 1774, a superintendent of
trade, appointed by the Commander-in-Chief of the
Four British Provinces, resided on the Labrador. It
has not been possible, however, to obtain any further
testimony about this official.

In the House of Commons report, 1793, already

2o8 LABRADOR

referred to several times, Chief Justice Reeves spoke as
follows : —

" Another point to which I beg leave to draw the
attention of the Committee, is the present state of those
who carry on the Fishery on the Coast of Labrador.
Although this is not within the concession of the
Governor of Newfoundland, yet it so happens that he
is the only person who is in the way of knowing any-
thing about it. The ship which is sent round the
French limits never fails of looking in on some part of
the Labrador Coast ; and it appears from the repre-
sentations of the Captains who command these ships
that there is great need of some authority to interpose,
and see justice done between master and servant, at
least as much need as there was in Newfoundland.
The employments and relations of persons are the
same ; the abuses and grievances are the same ;
amongst these is the old one of keeping servants on the
coast from year to year ; all which is more uniform and
insurmountable, in proportion as the merchants are few,
and can therefore combine to keep all their people in a
more absolute state of dependence.

"The coast of Labrador is under the Government of
Canada ; but the influence it feels from a centre so far
removed is very small ; in truth there is no government
whatsoever on the Coast of Labrador, as I am informed
by those who have been there. It is very much to be
wished that some plan be devised for affording to
that deserted coast something like the effect of civil
government."

This state of anarchy continued until 1809, when the
Labrador was again attached to the Government of
Newfoundland.

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 209

The officer in command of H.M. sloop Otter, stationed
on the Labrador coast in 1772-3, was Lieutenant Roger
Curtis, who afterwards saw considerable service and rose
to the rank of Admiral.

He took great interest in his command, and made
two lengthy reports upon the country, its inhabitants,
fisheries, and prospects.

Like the Norsemen, he was first struck by the enor-
mous quantity of stones, " many of them of prodigious
size," which were scattered everywhere over the country.
He said that there was no part of the British Dominion
so little known as Labrador, " where avarice has but
little to feed upon," and gave a most depressing account
of the country, frequently using such terms as " frightful
mountains," " unfruitful valleys," " blighted shrubs,"
" stunted trees," " wretched inhabitants," and " miserable
habitations."

He drew a chart of the coast as far north as 59° 10",
and greatly prided himself upon its correctness, which
he said far exceeded any previous production. As a
matter of fact it is very crude and incorrect.

He thought it not surprising that such a barren
country was so sparsely inhabited, and was much struck
by the irony of the fact that the comparatively very few
tribes that lived there should be so set upon extermina-
ting each other.

He gave a full account of the Eskimos and their
habits, and pleaded earnestly for a more enlightened
and humane treatment of them. His strictures upon
the conduct of the crews of the New England vessels
frequenting the coast are very severe, and will be dealt
with more fully later on in this volume.

He formed a very high opinion of the value of the fish-
eries, which were certain to become of great importance,
p

2IO LABRADOR

"the Newfoundland waters being rapidly depleted of
fish " ! He was at great pains to contradict the
general opinion of that time, that codfish could not
be properly cured on the Labrador coast, and in-
stanced, that a merchant at Temple Bay had that
year, 1772, made 5000 quintals of codfish in no way
inferior to the best manufactured in Newfoundland.
He did not anticipate, however, that the fisheries would
ever be pursued north of 54°. The station at Temple
Bay was the only one where codfish was dried for mar-
ket, but considerable numbers of vessels and boats
came from Newfoundland and returned there with their
catch.

The whale fishery, he reported, was prosecuted mainly
by New Englanders, who " swarmed on the coasts like
locusts," but for several years past had been very
unsuccessful.

He strongly recommended that the seal fishery should
be more largely followed up, because oil was rapidly
advancing in price, owing to the increased use of lamps,
and he felt sure no one who had been used to this luxitry
would ever abandon it owing to the increase in price of
oil. His description of the manner of setting the seal nets
is very complete.

He strongly supported Palliser's regulations, and urged
the enforcement on the coast of the rules for the gover-
nance of the fishery in Newfoundland. His views upon
the debated transfer of Labrador to Quebec were very
pronounced, he being strongly of opinion that it should
remain attached to Newfoundland.

In spite of the lack of attention given by the Province
of Quebec to this portion of its government, a very
great improvement took place in the condition of the
Eskimos. The fair and enlightened treatment accorded

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 211

to them by Cartwright, the history of which will be told
in a later chapter, doubtless had a beneficial effect all
along the coast. The Eskimo trade was an important
consideration, and as they were more or less a nomadic
people, they traded where they received the best treat-
ment Cartwright's boast that he was the chief agent
in their amelioration had a great deal of truth in it.
That is, as regards those Eskimos who frequented
southern Labrador : farther north their improved con-
dition was owing to the devoted labours of the
Moravian Missionaries.

An interesting description of the southern Eskimo is
given by Captain A. Crofton in 1798. He says : —

" During my continuance in Temple Bay, a large
shallop arrived from the northward, with and belonging
to a tribe of Eskimeaux Indians, consisting of six men,
five women, and seven children ; they were on their
passage to the harbour of Bradore, where it was their
intention to remain the winter with the English fisher-
men, and to be employed in the seal fishery. They had
been so provident as to bring with them some oil and
whalebone to barter for English provisions and
necessaries, which they are now very partial to, prefer-
ring European clothing to the seal skin dresses they
formerly appeared in ; and are now so much civilized
as to abhor raw meat, and always dress their victuals in
a very decent manner, having several cooking utensils
with them. They have likewise laid aside the bow and
arrow for musquets, and are excellent marksmen.

" The devastation committed by the French ships in
this place I suppose has discouraged the original
proprietors, Pynsant and Noble, from carrying on trade
with any great spirit, having only one shallop fishing
here this summer, which has discouraged the Indian

212 LABRADOR

trade, as those people now require clothing, biscuits,
powder and shot, and from their present deportment it
is most probable, that in future they will become a very
great acquisition to our commerce. I am sorry to
observe, that want of knowledge of their language, and
their short stay, prevented my obtaining all the in-
formation respecting them that I wished, but am con-
fident that they are numerous, being not less than four
thousand along the coast to the southward of the
Moravians or Unitas Fratrum settlement, of whom they
seem not to have any knowledge. Mr. Noble's agent
says they are strictly honest and well behaved, which I
had an opportunity of observing, having the whole tribe
to visit me twice on board the Pluto, and sent them on
shore much pleased with their reception. A merchant
from Quebec, who has a small settlement seventy
leagues north of Temple Bay, has hitherto been the
principal supplyer, but from the great alteration I have
observed in the Eskimeaux Indians since I met them
twenty years ago, it is probable that in a short time
they will navigate the coast in vessels of their own con-
struction, as I discovered in their shallop carpenter and
shipwright tools of all descriptions."

Captain Crofton made inquiries at Chateau about the
Moravians, but could get no information concerning them,
thus indicating what little communication there was at
that time between Northern and Southern Labrador.

His optimistic prognostication about the Eskimos,
alas ! was never realized. The southern tribes soon
became extinct. Intercourse with the white race proved
their ruin. The European clothes and European food,
which Captain Crofton complacently noted had been
adopted by them, no doubt were the principal agents
in their destruction. To which must be added also the

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 213

adoption of European vices and the introduction of
European diseases.

Captain Crofton's estimate of the number of Eskimos
on the southern coast was no doubt much too large.

These southern Eskimos had not the benefit of the
teaching of the Moravian Missionaries as had their
northern brethren. No effort was made to compensate
them for the loss of their pristine virtues or to help
them to withstand the white man's contaminating in-
fluence. They remained sunken in heathendom to the
last. Chappell {Voyage of Rosamund^ 1818), tells of
a tribe of about fifty persons that visited Pinson's
establishment near Lanse-a-loup. While there a woman
died, and her female infant was immediately stoned to
death and buried with her.

APPENDICES

Regulations for ye Fishery on the Coast of Labradore,

Anticosti, Madelaines and Whale Fishery,

April 8th, 1763.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY, HUGH PALLISER.

Rules, Orders and Regulations observed on the Coast of
Labradore, and on the Islands of Anticosti and the Made-
laines.

Whereas the property of all the land on the said Coast
of Labradore and the Islands of Anticosti and the Madelaines
is in the Crown, and since the conquest thereof no part of it
has been lawfully given or granted away and no power being
vested in me to give or grant auy exclusive possessions or
privileges to any person whatever, and Whereas it has ever
been the policy of the nation to give to His Majesty's sub-
jects from Britain in preference to all others to carry on the
fisheries.

In order to invite Adventurers into that extensive Field

214 LABRADOR

for Fishing and Trade, I hereby order and direct that ye
whole shall be publick and free to all the King's British
subjects in preference to all others till His Majesty's further
pleasure shall be known, under the following Regulations
subject to such alterations and additions as may hereafter
be found necessary for extending and improving that valuable
branch of Trade :

1. All the Rules and Regulations ordained by that excel-
lent Act of the loth and nth of WiUiam III, intitled An
Act for the Encouragement of the Trade and Fisheries to
Newfoundland shall be strictly observed on ye Coasts and
Islands above mentioned, except that Proviso in the said
Act which says (provided always that all such persons as
since the 25th day of March 1765 have built etc.), is not to
be in force on the Coasts and Islands above mentioned.

2. All British Whale Fishers are to choose places on the
shore for landing to cut up their Whales and other Oil fish
and to make their Oil as they respectively arrive with Fish
to land, observing that they are never to occupy or use any
place that ever has or hereafter may be used by any British
Cod fisher. Whale Fishers from the plantations may fish
within the Gulph of St. Lawrence for Whale only, but not
for cod or any other fish, and they may land on the said
Coast and Islands within the Gulph and nowhere else, to
cut up their Whales and to make their oil, and for that
purpose may use any place that they find unoccupied and
that never have been used by any British Fishing ships
for either Whale, Cod or Seals, taking especial care that
they do nothing to annoy or hinder any British Fishers what-
ever.

3. Whereas complaint has been made to me that the
Whale Fishers from the plantations have a practice of turning
adrift ye useless part of the carcasses of Whales to the annoy-
ance and damage of neighboring fishers for Cod and Seal,
or else leave them on ye shore which is a great nuisance.
I hereby order and direct that all Whale fishers shall convey

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 215

the carcasses of the whales to at least three leagues from
the shore.

4. No vessel shall be considered as a British fishing ship
nor be entitled to the privileges thereof, or of being Admirals
of harbors on the coast and islands above mentioned, except
such as clear out from Britain the same season and carry out
men to be actually employed in ye fishery and to return to
Britain when the fishing season is over.

5. If any person commits murther, whether of any of His
Majesty's Christian or Indian subjects on the Coasts or
Islands above mentioned, or any other criminal crime, all
His Majesty's subjects are hereby required and authorized
to apprehend such offenders and carry them before the
Commanders of any of His Majesty's Ships, or before the
Admiral of any Harbor, and Oath being made before them
of the fact, the Captain of any of His Majesty's ships are
hereby ordered and directed to secure them, and when they
join me to bring such offenders with them in order to the
being tried at the general Assizes.

Given under my hand, 8th April, 1765.

Hugh Palliser.

By command of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

Regulations for Labrador Fishery^ 1765.

Regulations for carrying on a Fishery and Trade on the Coast of
Labrador distributed throughout this Government.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY HUGH PALLISER, ETC.

Whereas a most valuable Fishery and Trade may be
carried on upon the Coast of Labrador for establishing of
which on the best footing for the benefit of the nation some
Rules, Orders and Regulations are immediately necessary,
and above all things first to banish all disorderly people who
can't be depended upon for preserving good order and peace

2i6 LABRADOR

with the savages (upon which the success of His Majesty's
intentions for opening this extensive field of commerce to his
subjects wholly depends). I therefore hereby order and direct
that the following Rules, Orders and Regulations shall be
strictly observed on all the Coast of Labrador within my
Government, subject to such alterations as may hereafter be
found necessary for the aforementioned purposes. \

1. That no inhabitant of Newfoundland no By Boatkeeper
nor any person from any of the colonies shall on any pretence
whatever go to the Coast of Labrador (except Whale fishers
within the Gulph of St. Lawrence from the Colonies as
allowed by my order of 8th April last) and if any such are
found there, they shall be corporally punished for the first
offence and the second time their boats shall be seized for the
public use of British ship fishers upon that coast.

2. That no person whatever shall resort to Labradore to
fish or trade but ship fishers annually arriving from His
Majesty's Dominions in Europe lawfully cleared out as Ship
fishers, carrying at least 21 men all engaged to return after
the season is over to the King's Dominions in Europe.

3. That all Rules, Orders and Regulations (respecting
British Ship Fishers) ordained by that excellent Act of loth
and nth of William HI entitled an Act for the encourage-
ment of the Trade and Fisheries of Newfoundland shall be
strictly observed on the Coast of Labrador.

4. And as a further encouragement to British Ship Fishers
the first arriving Ship in any Harbour on that Coast (besides
being Admiral of that Harbour) shall have the privilege of
leaving in that Harbour one small vessel not exceeding eighty
tons with a gang of ten men and no more for the next winter
seal and whale fishery and no other people whatever shall
stay the winter in that Harbour on pain of corporal punish-
ment such vessel to be properly armed for defence, and the
Master to be a prudent, discreet person, to prevent anything
being done to break the Peace which I made with the Carolit
or Esquimaux Savages on the 21st instant, who have promised

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 217

to live in friendship with us by night and by day, so long as
we forbear to do them any harm. The Master of the 2nd
arriving British Fishing Ship in any Harbour as above men-
tioned shall (besides being Vice-Admiral of the Harbour)
have the exclusive right to all the Salmon fishery in that
Harbour during that season. The Master of the 3rd arriving
British Fishing Ship as aforementioned (besides being Rear-
Admiral of the Harbour) shall enjoy in common with the ist
and 2nd ships the exclusive privilege of trafficking with the
savages, under the Regulations prescribed in the following
article.

5. The Master of the ist, 2nd and 3rd arriving British
Fishing Ships in any Harbour on the Coast of Labrador
shall equally enjoy an exclusive privilege of Trading with the
natives that may come within limits of that Harbour (the
precise limits belonging to each harbour to be hereafter ascer-
tained and made publick), and no other persons whatever
shall have any trade or truck with the savages on forfeiture
of all goods so trucked for to be equally divided among the
three Admirals of that harbour, and to lose their liberty of
fishing on the Coast for that year.

That within the limits of each harbour a proper place shall
be fixed upon by the Admirals at a proper distance from all
the fishing stages where they are to make a barrier for truck-
ing with convenience and safety with the savages, and on no
account to suffer their people and the savages to mingle
together. And if either of the Admirals truck with them at
any other place within or without the limits of their own port
such Admiral shall forfeit all the goods trucked for to be
equally divided between the other Admirals, and also to forfeit
all his privilege as Admiral for that season, and for better pre-
venting confusion and for preserving peace with the savages
all further Regulations or Orders that may be made by the
Commanders of any of His Majesty's Ships stationed on the
Coast of Labrador for the time being shall be strictly con-
formed to.

2i8 LABRADOR

6. All British Fishing Ships as well as the Admirals of the
Harbours during the summer fishery for Cod, that is from the
time of their arrival to the time of their departure may also
carry on the whale fishery. This the early arriving ships may
do with great advantage, there being abundance of Whales on
the Coast in the months of April, May and June.

Given, etc., in Pitt's Harbour the 28th August, 1765.

Hugh Palliser.

This regulation published throughout this Government.

By Command of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

Order Concerning the Whale Fishery on the Coast of
Labrador, 1766.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY HUGH PALLISER, ETC.

Whereas a great many vessels from His Majesty's plantation
employed in the Whale fishery resort to that part of the
Gulph of St. Lawrence and Coast of Labrador which is
within this Government and as I have been informed that
some apprehensions have arisen amongst them that by the
Regulations made by me relating to the different fisheries in
those parts they are wholly precluded from that Coast.

Notice is hereby given that the King's Officers stationed in
those parts have always had my orders to protect, assist and
encourage by every means in their power all vessels from the
plantations employed in the Whale fishery, coming within this
Government and pursuant to His Majesty's orders to me all
vessels from the plantations will be admitted to that Coast,
on the same footing as they ever have been admitted in New-
foundland respecting the Cod fishery, under the Act of Parlia-
ment passed in the loth and nth years of William HI
commonly called the Fishing Act, always to be observed.

And by my Regulations for the encouragement of the

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 219

Whale Fishers they are also under certain necessary restric-
tions (herein prescribed) permitted to land and cut up their
whales in Labrador, this is a liberty that never has been
allowed them in Newfoundland, because of the danger of
prejudicing the Cod fishery carried on by our adventurers
ships from Britain, lawfully qualified with fishing certificates
according to the aforementioned Act, who are fitted out at a
very great risque and expence in complying with the said Act,
therefore they must not be liable to have their voyages over-
thrown or rendered precarious by any means or by any other
vessels whatever.

And whereas great numbers of the Whaling crews arriving
from the plantations, on the Coast of Labrador early in the
spring considering it as a lawless country were guilty of all
sorts outrages before the arrival of the King's Ships in
plundering whoever they found on the Coast too weak to
resist them. Obstructing our ship adventurers from Britain,
by banking amongst their boats along the Coast which drives
the fish away, and is contrary to the most ancient and most
strictly observed Rule of the fishery, and must not be suffered ;
also by destroying their fishing works on the shore, stealing
their boats, tackle and utensils, firing the woods all along the
Coast and hunting for and plundering, taking away or murder-
ing the poor Indian natives of the country by these violences,
barbarities and other notorious crimes and enormities, that
Coast is in ye utmost confusion, and with respect to the
Indians is kept in a state of war.

For preventing these practices in future, Notice is hereby
given that ye King's Officers in those parts are authorized
and strictly directed to apprehend all such offenders within
this Government and to bring them to me to be tried for the
same at the General Assizes at this place, and for the better
Government of that country, for Regulating ye fisheries and
for protecting His Majesty's subjects from insults from ye
Indians, I have His Majesty's Commands to erect Block-
houses and to estabUsh guards along that Coast.

220 LABRADOR

This notification is to be put up in the Harbours in
Labrador within my Government.

Given at St. John's in Newfoundland, ist August, 1766.

Hugh Palliser.
By Order of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

N.B. — Three copies of these Regulations enclosed in a
letter to Governor Bernard at Boston.

Surrogate Comniissiotiy 1765.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY HUGH PALLISER, ETC.

By Virtue of the power and authority to me given by His
Majesty's Letters made Patent, bearing date at Westminster
the ninth day of April in the fourth year of the reign of our
Sovereign Lord George III by the Grace of God of Great
Britain, France and Ireland, King Defender of the Faith I do
hereby constitute and appoint you to be

my Deputy or Surrogate with full power and authority to
assemble Courts within to enquire into

all such complaints as may be brought before you and to hear
and determine the same to all intents and purposes as I
myself might or would do. By virtue of the power and
authority vested in me you have likewise power and authority
to seize and detain in order to proceed to condemnation all
unaccustomed prohibited or run goods that may be found
within the aforesaid limits or ports adjacent. And I do grant
and give unto you full power and authority

to administer the several oaths to any person or persons you
shall think fit agreeable to the several Acts of Parliament made
in that behalf. And I do strictly enjoin all Admirals of
Harbours, all Justices of the Peace, all Officers Civil and
Mihtary, and all other His Majesty liege subjects to be aiding
and assisting you the said and to obey and

put into execution all such lawful orders as you shall give unto

THE ENGLISH OCCUPATION 221

them as I myself might or would do by virtue of the power
and authority vested in me.

Given under my hand this 13th April, 1765.

By Command of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

Commissions delivered to : —

Captain Hamilton of His Majesty's Sloop Zephyr from point
Riche to St. Barbe on Newfoundland and from St. John's
River to Cape Charles on the Coast of Labradore.

Captain Sexton from Cape Ray to Ferryland.

Captain Thompson of His Majesty's Ship Lark from Trinity
to Quirpont, both inclusive.

Sir Thos. Adams, Bart., of His Majesty's Ship Niger on
the Coast of Labradore from the entrance of Davis' Streights
to York Harbour inclusive.

Daniel Burr, Esq., on the Coast of Newfoundland from
Cape Bonavista to Cape St. Francois.

Hugh Palliser.
By Command of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

CHAPTER XII
CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT

QUITE the most notable of the early settlers upon
the Labrador was Capt. George Cartwright. He
was a scion of a well-known English family,
which first came into prominence through the influence
of Archbishop Cranmer, whose sister had married a
Cartwright of the day. Two of his brothers attained
considerable notoriety in English public life, — Major
John Cartwright, the reformer and patriot, and Edmund
Cartwright, poet, philanthropist, and inventor of the
power loom. George Cartwright served in the East
Indies as a cadet of the 39th Foot Regiment, and in
the German war as aide-de-camp to the Marquis of
Granby, and it is said would have undoubtedly risen
to distinction had he remained in the Army. The
circumstances which led him to take up his residence
in Labrador were singularly fortuitous. In 1766 John
Cartwright was appointed First Lieutenant of H.M.S.
Guernsey, ordered to the Newfoundland station with
the Governor, Sir Hugh Palliser, on board. George
Cartwright, being on half-pay at the time, and "hearing
that bears and deer were plentiful there," decided to
accompany his brother, and spent the summer with
him cruising about the Newfoundland and Labrador
coasts. In 1768 he again visited Newfoundland with
his brother, who in the meanwhile had been appointed

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 223

to the dignified post of Naval Surrogate, and accom-
panied him on a memorable expedition up the Exploits
River to Red Indian Lake, where they hoped to meet
and open friendly relations with the unfortunate
Beothuks, which expedition, unhappily, failed of its
purpose. It was then that he conceived the idea of
settling on Labrador. He had been disappointed in an
expected promotion in his regiment, several junior
officers purchasing their steps over his head ; and
having, as he said, " an insatiable propensity for shoot-
ing," and hearing that Labrador was practically virgin
country, he was irresistibly drawn to the wild, free, ad-
venturous life of a settler on that almost unknown coast.

Early in 1770 he entered into partnership with Lieut.
Lucas, who had been on the Guernsey with, him in 1766,
and whose adventures have already been told. As-
sociated with these novices in business were Perkins
and Coughlan, who were largely interested in the New-
foundland trade and had a considerable establishment
at Fogo. They designed to carry on a trapping and
fishing business, both seal and cod, and also to endeavour
to trade peaceably with the Eskimo through the medium
of Lucas, who had learned the language.

Cartwright and Lucas arrived at Fogo in July, 1770,
and at once hired a shallop to convey them to Cape
Charles, where they intended to make their first start.
It will be remembered that this was the scene of Darby's
ill-fated scheme to establish a whale fishery. Here
Cartwright arrived in safety and took up his abode in
the house which had been built by Darby. His retinue
consisted of Mrs. Selby, his housekeeper, two English
men-servants, eight or ten fishermen and trappers, and
a number of dogs of various sporting breeds. On his
arrival in Labrador, he says, " Being secluded from

224 LABRADOR

society, I had time to gain acquaintance with myself,"
and therefore began his journal of Transactions and
Events Dufing a Residence of Nearly Sixteen Years on
the Labrador, which he published in 1792. It is in three
large quarto volumes, full of interesting information,
though somewhat tedious to read. In his Preface he
excuses the literary style of his book, which he
says " will be compensated for by its veracity," and
informs us that "the transactions of the day were
generally entered at the close of the same, and were
written for no other purpose than to serve as a memor-
andum for my own use and personal reference." The
extreme candour of the narrative, especially as to the
incidents of his private life, makes one certain that such
was the case. His observations on the natural history
of the country are particularly valuable, as is also his
account of the Eskimos. The following short " Precis "
of such a large book must naturally be very inadequate,
and all interested in Labrador are recommended to
study for themselves the pages which both Southey and
Coleridge declared to be deeply interesting.

On the morning of his arrival, he tells of the first
achievement of his Hanoverian rifle, shooting with it an
otter, a black duck, and a spruce game. A record of
all the creatures which fell to this extraordinary weapon
of precision would astound a sportsman of the present
day. Either the weapon was remarkable or " the man
behind the gun " was one of the best shots that ever
lived, for it was a common occurrence for him to put a
bullet through a goose or a duck on the wing, knock
the head off a partridge, or, more difficult still, to shoot
a loon in the water. Witness the entry in his journal,
March 22nd, 1771 : —

" I killed a spruce game with my rifle ; but my eye

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 225

not being clear enough to attempt beheading the bird
as I usually do, I fired at the body, and the ball knocked
him entirely to pieces."

The frequency with which similar entries occur in his
Journal should remove any doubts as to his veracity.
He notes one day having beheaded three spruce game
with three successive rifle shots, and again having killed
a raven with his rifle at above a hundred yards dis-
tance. Probably both birds and beasts had little fear
of man, and he was thus able to approach them quite
closely.

Governor Byron, of Newfoundland, the poet's grand-
father, took great interest in Cartwright's enterprise,
and sent Lieutenant John Cartwright in a sloop of war
with carpenters and others, to assist him in getting
himself comfortably settled before winter came on.
Darby's old houses were soon repaired, and a new one
built.

Lieutenant Lucas went north immediately to find
the Eskimos, with whom they expected to establish
a lucrative trade in furs. He returned a few weeks
afterwards, and was followed by a family of Eskimos,
consisting of ten or twelve men, women, and child-
ren, who took up their abode near Cartwright,
and were an unmitigated nuisance to him the whole
winter, depending upon him entirely for supplies of
food. Fortunately they were not hard to please. On
one occasion when they came to him and complained,
as usual, that their provisions were exhausted, he gave
them " a skin bag filled with seals' phrippers, pieces of
flesh and rands of seal fat ; it was a complete mixture
of oil and corruption with an intolerable stench, and no
people on earth, I think, except themselves would have
eaten its contents. The Indians, however, were of a
Q

226 LABRADOR

different opinion, and considered it a most luxurious
feast." Cartwright says that they were the most
uncleanly people on earth. His description of some of
their nauseous habits will not bear repetition.

The company was increased in October by five men
who had been shipped on shares for the seal fishery.
The men found their own provisions, and Cartwright
found the nets and implements ; the catch was divided
half and half, the men selling their share to the com-
pany at a stipulated price.

Cartwright describes his outfit for the seal fishery as
follows : —

" The whole consists of twelve shoal nets of forty
fathoms by two, and three stoppers of a hundred and
thirty fathoms by six. The latter are made fast one
end to the island and the other to a capstan on the
land ; by this means the head ropes are lowered to the
bottom or raised to the surface at pleasure, and being
placed about forty yards apart form two pounds.
There is a narrow tickle of twenty yards in width
between this island and the continent, across which a
net is placed to stop the seals passing through."

The seals passed along the coast on their migration
south, about the end of November. The first season
was a very successful one, and from November 28th to
December 14th they seemed to have nearly as m.any
seals as they could attend to.

Each year afterwards the nets were ready and out by
November 20th, but not always with the same success.
The length of the season seemed to depend upon the
coldness of the water; when the anchor ice, or "lolly," as
Cartwright called it, began to form, the nets had to be
taken in. In 1774 a large number of seals were taken

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 227

on December 24th, and in 1778 the fishery had to be
abandoned by December 5th. In 1785 not a single
seal was taken.

During the first years of his life on the Labrador he
had pleasant neighbours only twelve miles from him at
York Fort in Chateau Bay. A small garrison of
marines under a few officers was stationed there, with
whom he exchanged many visits. On Christmas Eve
he gives the following description of the revels which
he said were customary in Newfoundland, having been
imported there from Ireland : —

" At sunset the people ushered in Christmas accord-
ing to the Newfoundland custom. In the first place
they built a prodigious fire in their house ; all hands
then assembled before the door, and one of them fired a
gun loaded with powder only ; afterwards each drank a
dram of rum, concluding the ceremony with three
cheers. These formalities being performed with great
solemnity, they returned into their house, got drunk as
fast as they could, and spent the whole night in drink-
ing, quarrelling, and fighting. This is an intolerable
custom, but as it has prevailed from time inmemorial it
must be submitted to."

Every Christmas afterwards he has to record the
same occurrence, much to his annoyance.

About the end of January, Mr. Jones, of York Fort
(the surgeon), set out from there to walk to Cartwright's
settlement, where his services were required, but, losing
his way, he was frozen to death. They found him
several days after, his faithful Newfoundland dog by
his side. They covered his body as well as they could
with boughs and snow, but could not persuade the poor
animal to leave her master.

228 LABRADOR

Cartwright himself had to officiate at the ceremony
which this poor young man had intended to perform,
and acquitted himself to the extreme satisfaction of the
mother, but he said he never wished to resume the
office again. His patient, however, became very ill
some days after, and " being destitute of every
medicine prescribed in such cases, I was entirely at a
loss what to give her, but as I judged that Labrador tea
{ledmn latifoliuvi) was of the same nature as the herbs
recommended, I had some gathered from under the
snow in the woods, and gave her a pint of the strong
infusion of the plant, with the most beneficent results,"
Three days after he writes : —

" I read prayers to my family and churched Nanny,
who is now, thank God, perfectly recovered, an event
which I have reason to believe was effected by the
Indian tea."

Having acted as doctor and clergyman, it is but
natural to suppose that he would also have to assume
the duties of the other learned professions ; and, in fact,
we often find him acting first as judge and then as exe-
cutioner to carry out the sentences he had imposed.
One gross offender he chained to his bed-post until he
could be carried to St. John's for trial. Another he
sentenced to thirty-five lashes for having threatened
his (Cartwright's) life, and immediately proceeded to
inflict the punishment, but after twenty-nine strokes
the man fainted, and had to be released. We can be
sure that the blows were not light from a man of Cart-
wright's physique.

On another occasion two men refused to do his bid-
ding, and were insolent, so he gave them both "a severe
beating with a stout stick," and sent them off. They

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 229

were no sooner in their boat than they began to abuse
him again, upon which he pursued them and gave them
another " dressing." On the next day the men came
again, and Cartwright this time gave them a " trim-
ining" for being abusive when he left them the night
before.

He did not scruple to perform any office of the
Church, even to the Marriage Service, marrying with
all due ceremony one William Bettres to Cathrine
Gourd, one of the maid-servants he brought from
Plymouth.^

His first winter passed uneventfully but busily; nearly
every day his journal bears record of game of some
description being secured. White bears, caribou,
wolves, foxes, otter, beaver, etc., and every variety of
feathered game in its season. On June 20th his first
news of the outside v/orld was received when the first
vessel arrived from Newfoundland. He was greatly
shocked to hear that his partner, Lieutenant Lucas, had
been lost at sea, the ship on Avhich he sailed for
England the previous autumn never having reached its
destination.

Owing to the neglect of his partners, Perkins and
Coughlan, whom he accused of taking care of their
private enterprises to the detriment of their joint trans-
actions, he was not prepared in time for the salmon or
cod fishery. The river was full of salmon, but he had
no nets to catch them nor salt to cure them, and esti-
mated his loss thereby at ^^400.

In July a considerable number of Eskimos came
to the harbour, and he soon established a brisk barter

' The solemnization of marriage in Newfoundland by persons not in
holy orders became so prevalent that in 1817 an Imperial Act was passed
forbidding the practice, and making such marriages illegal.

236 LABRADOR

trade with them. The proceedings were opened by
their presenting him with five silver fox skins, and
he reciprocated with beads and needles, to their entire
satisfaction. In order to inspire their confidence he
went over to the island where they were, pitched his
tent among them, sending all his own people away.
He carried on a lively trade all the afternoon with-
out dispute of any kind, when the proceedings were
suddenly interrupted by the chief, who came into the
tent and took Cartwright by the shoulder, speaking
sternly the while.

" As these people have hitherto plundered and mur-
dered Europeans whenever they had the opportunity,
I must confess that I expected that was to be my fate
now, and my suspicions were confirmed upon recollect-
ing that I had demonstrated to the Eskimos that my
firearms were not loaded. However, being assured that
if they wanted to kill me I could not prevent them,

1 put the best face possible on this unpleasant affair,
and followed the chief. He soon dispelled my fears by
telling me that we had done enough business for one
day."

As a result of the afternoon trade he got 3 cwt.
of whalebone, 100 seal skins, 19 fox, 12 deer, 4 otter,

2 marten, i wolf, and i black bear, at the expense of a
small quantity of beads and trifling articles of hardly
any commercial value. A representative transaction
was the exchange of a comb which cost twopence for
a silver fox skin worth four guineas.

Cartwright never had any trouble with the Eskimos
during his whole residence on the coast, which is re-
markable seeing that his immediate predecessor at
Cape Charles was forced to abandon the place owing to

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 231

their hostility. He says himself that his success with
them was owing to unvarying firmness and fairness in
his dealings with them. He would not allow himself
to be robbed, and was always at pains to satisfy them in
every transaction. His ascendancy over them became
complete, and their friendship never ceased, although,
as we shall see later, it was put to a very severe strain.

Later in life Cartwright wrote a rhyming letter to his
brother Charles, describing life on his " loved Labrador,"
and thus tells of his intercourse with the Eskimos : —

The Eskimo from ice and snow now free,

In shallops and whale boats go to sea ;

In peace they rove along the pleasant shore.

In plenty live nor do they wish for more.

Thrice happy race ; strong drink nor gold they know ;

What in their hearts they think their faces show.

Of manners gentle, in their dealings just,

Their plighted promise safely you may trust.

Mind you deceive them not, for well they know

The friend sincere from the designing foe.

They once were deemed a people fierce and rude.

Their savage hands in human blood imbued ;

But by my care (for I must claim the merit)

The world now owes that virtue they inherit.

Not a more honest or more generous race

Can bless a sovereign or a nation grace.

With these I frequent pass the social day.

No broils, no feuds, but all is sport and play.

My will's their law, and justice is my will.

Thus friends we always were and friends are still.

This idyllic picture certainly marks a very great
change from the condition of things a short time before,
as described by Palliser. While Cartwright claims the
merit for this transformation, it was no doubt to
Palliser's wise regulations that the beginning of the
change was due, assisted greatly by the Moravian
Missionaries who had just begun their noble work
among the Eskimo.

232 LABRADOR

The v/inter of 1772 was particularly cold and stormy.
Cartwright's English man-servant Charles was taken ill,
and in spite of every attention, finally succumbed. As
an indication of the hardships they had to endure, it is
related that this unfortunate man Charles had his toes
badly frostbitten one night during his illness, from
putting his foot out from under the bedclothes, although
he was in the warmest room in the house in which there
was a blazing fire.

His first visitors in the spring of 1772 were a number
of salmon fishers employed by the firm of Noble and
Pinson, who took possession of his salmon rivers,
claiming that they had a right to do so under an
Act of Parliament. Not being able to dispute the
point, Cartwright was obliged to give way, and had to
send his men into the next bay to set their nets. The
Eskimos were so incensed at this occurrence that they
were with difficulty restrained from killing Noble and
Pinson's men.

Although the injustice was patent, it is probable that
Noble and Pinson were within their rights, as we have
seen that Palliser's regulations forbade any permanent
title to fishing posts, the first vessel arriving in a
harbour each season from England having the choice
of berths.

However, when Cartwright went to England at the
end of the year, he made representations on the matter
to the Board of Trade, from whose papers the following
information is culled : —

"Jan. 28th, 1773. A memorial was read from Geo.
Cartwright to the Earl of Dartmouth, describing the
fisheries and commerce of Labrador, and complaining
that he had been disturbed in the possession of a
fishing post on that coast, and praying that he be

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 233

confirmed and protected in its possession. Discussion
on the matter was postponed until Governor Shuldham,
Sir Hugh Palliser, and Noble and Pinson could be
present."

After several discussions it was finally decided, on
February 19th, that actual residence and continual posses-
sion were necessary for the carrying on of the seal and
salmon fisheries, and Cartwright was confirmed in the
possession of the fishing posts he had established on
the Labrador.

Governor Shuldham's proclamation putting the new
rule into effect has already been given.

Cartwright's evidence was taken at the same time
touching the proposed transfer of Labrador to Quebec,
but we are not informed of its tenour. It is to be
presumed that he would be strongly against the transfer.
He mentions in his journal that he presented to the
Earl of Dartmouth a plan for the encouragement of
trade on the Labrador, which was laid before His
Majesty in Council, and was partially adopted.

His intercourse with the Eskimos did not run alto-
gether smoothly. In August, 177 1, he feared an
outbreak, and believed that they had been " up to some
of their old tricks" to the southward of him. On several
occasions when individual Eskimos misbehaved them-
selves, Cartwright did not hesitate to inflict corporal
punishment. Once a man stole a skein of thread.
Cartwright immediately demanded its return, and when
the culprit brought it back administered a few strokes
by way of punishment. The man resisted, when Cart-
wright gave him a cross-buttock, and pitched him with
great force headlong out of the tent. A few days after
this, Cartwright became very ill while he was alone with
the Eskimos, and one would have expected them to

234 LABRADOR

take this opportunity for reprisals, but they exhibited
the greatest concern. He thus describes their conduct : —

" After it was dark they gave me convincing proof of
their regard, (which I most gladly would have excused),
by assembling in and about the tent nearest to mine,
and there performing some superstitious ceremonies for
my recovery. As I was not an eye-witness of their
rites, I can only say that they were accompanied by
such horrid yells and hideous outcries as I had never
heard before from the mouths of the human species.
These dismal notes were continued till daylight ; add to
this their dogs were continually fighting and tumbling
into my tent."

The games indulged in by the Eskimos interested
Cartwright very much, and occasioned him a great deal
of amusement. They were very fond of playing at
ball, throwing it from one to another, each striving
to get it, but were very poor catches. A species of
" thread the needle " was also often played, which ended
in all rolling upon the ground in glorious confusion.
Cartwright taught them to play several English games,
and among them leap-frog, which must have been
inexpressibly funny.

By his firm but fair dealing, by entering into their
sports and pastimes, and ministering to them when they
were ill or in want, within two years Cartwright ob-
tained a complete ascendancy over them. With the
intention of impressing upon them the importance of
the English, of whom they were frankly contemptuous,
thinking themselves the lords of creation, Cartwright
conceived the unfortunate idea of carrying a family of
them to England with him. He accordingly selected two
of his earliest friends, Attuiock and Tooklavinia, with

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 335

their wives Ickcongoque and Caubvick, and one little
girl, Ickiuna, and sailed for England on November
7th. They arrived at Waterford on the 24th of that
month, where, he says, he was teased to death by the
whole population, and finally got to London on Decem-
ber 14th, His experiences there with the Eskimo are
best told by himself: —

" They were greatly astonished at the number of
shipping in the river, for they did not suppose that
there were so many in the whole world ; but I was
exceedingly disappointed to see them pass over London
Bridge without taking much notice of it. I soon dis-
covered that they took it for a natural rock which
extended across the river. They laughed at me when I
told them that it was the work of men, nor could I make
them believe it till we came to Blackfriars Bridge,
which I caused them to examine with more attention,
showing them the joints and pointing out the marks of
the chisels upon the stones. They no sooner compre-
hended by what means such a structure could be
erected than they expressed their wonder with astonish-
ing significance of countenance. On landing at West-
minster Bridge we are immediately surrounded by a
great concourse of people, attracted not only by the
uncommon appearance of the Indians who were in their
seal skin dresses, but also by a beautiful eagle and an
Eskimo dog, which had much the resemblance of a
wolf and a remarkable wildness of look.

" In a few days time I had so many applications for
admittance to see the new visitors that my time was
wholly taken up in gratifying the curiosity of my
friends and their acquaintances, and the numbers that
came made my lodgings very inconvenient to the
landlord as well as to myself. I therefore resolved to

236 LABRADOR

look out for a house, and soon hired a small one, ready
furnished, for ten guineas a month in Little Castle
Street Being willing, as far as lay in my power, to
comply with the incessant applications of my friends
for a sight of the Indians, and finding it impossible
either to have any rest or time to transact business, I
appropriated two days a week for that purpose. On
those days not only was my house filled to an incon-
venience, but the whole street was crowded with
carriages and people, so that my residence was a
great nuisance to the neighbourhood.

" I once took the three men to the Opera when
their Majestys were there, and we chanced to sit near
Mr. Coleman, the manager of Covent Garden Theatre,
who politely invited all the Indians and myself to a
play at his house. He fixed on Cyvibeline, and they
were greatly delighted with the representation. But
their pride was most highly gratified at being received
with thundering applause by the audience on entering
the box. One afternoon I took Attuiock with me and
walked beyond the tower, then took boat and rowed up
the river to Westminster Bridge, from whence we
walked to Hyde Park Corner and then home again. I
was in great expectation that he would begin to relate
the wonders which he had seen, but I found myself
greatly disappointed.

" He immediately sat down by the fireside, placed
his hands on his knees, leaned his head forward, fixed
his eyes on the floor in a stupid stare, and continued in
that position for a considerable time. At length, tossing
up his head, he broke out, ' Oh, I am tired ! Here are too
many houses, too much smoke, too many people. Labra-
dor is very good ; seals are plentiful there. I wish I was
back ag-ain.'

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 237

" Although they had often passed St. Paul's without
betraying any great astonishment, or at least not so
much as Europeans do at the first sight of one of those
stupendous islands of ice which are daily to be seen on
the coast of their own country, yet when I took them
to the top of it and convinced them that it was built by
the hands of men (a circumstance which had not
entered into their heads before, for they had supposed
it a natural production), they were quite lost in amaze-
ment. Upon my asking how they would describe it to
their countrymen on their return, they replied with a
look of the utmost expression, they should neither
mention it nor many other things they had seen, lest
they should be called liars, from the seeming im-
probability of such astonishing facts. Walking along
Piccadilly one day with the two men, I took them into
a shop to show them a collection of animals. We had no
sooner entered than I observed their attention riveted
on a small monkey, and I could perceive horror most
strongly depicted on their countenances. At length the
old man turned to me and faltered out, ' Is that an
Eskimo ? ' On pointing out several other monkeys of
different kinds they were greatly diverted at their mis-
take which they had made, but were not well pleased
to observe that monkeys resembled their race much
more than ours. The great surgeon, Dr. John Hunter,
invited them to dinner with him, and Attuiock, stroll-
ing out of the room, came upon one of Dr. Hunter's
anatomical specimens, a complete skeleton in a case.
He was terribly frightened, and came to the conclusion
that he also was to be killed and eaten and his bones
similarly preserved, and was with great difficulty re-
assured.

" Another day they happened upon a review of a

238 LABRADOR

regiment of soldiers by the King. They immediately
collected such a crowd round them that it attracted the
notice of His Majesty, who sent for them to stand in a
place where they would not be crowded, and viewed
them himself with much curiosity. He condescended
to salute them by taking off his hat, accompanied with
a gracious smile, at which they were highly pleased."

Cartwright then took them to his father's country
residence, where they were lost in amazement at the
sight of the cultivated land, grounds, and level fields,
declaring that the country was all made. They had a
run with the hounds, and were in at the death, although
they had only been on horseback three or four times
before.

Cartwright says that he omitted nothing that could
make their stay pleasant which his pocket could afford,
and particularly tried to impress them with the numbers
and power of the English, for they had often declared on
the Labrador that they could easily cut off all the English
if they chose to assemble themselves together. But
before they had been long in England they became
greatly chastened, and confessed to Cartwright that the
Eskimos were but as one man to the numbers of the
English.

As might have been expected, during their visit in
London they were visited by that inquisitive person,
Mr. James Boswell, as evidenced by the following entry
in his immortal work : —

" Dr. Johnson did not give me half credit when I
mentioned that I had carried on a short conversation
by signs with some Eskimo who were then in London,
particularly with one of them who was a priest. He
thought I could not make them understand me."

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 239

People are generally indignant when their veracity-
is called into question, but the faithful Boswell turned
the insult into an occasion of adulation of his hero, for
he adds : —

" No man was more incredulous as to particular facts
which were at all extraordinary, and no man was more
inquisitive to discover the truth."

Cartwright started on his return to Labrador full of
spirits. The term of his partnership with Perkins and
Coughlan had expired, and by the liberality of his
father, who had given him ;^2000, he was enabled to
embark "on his own bottom."

His brother, Major John Cartwright, writes of him at
this time : —

"To-morrow my brother, the Eskimo, and myself
are to dine with a select party of the Royal Society,
among whom is to be Solander, We have had him
frequently. My brother is in great spirits with regard
to his Labrador schemes, and at first setting off, although
he has hitherto experienced every loss and disappoint-
ment that could befall a man. He hath an excellent
heart and understanding, but early took a turn which
has indeed been a source of continual satisfaction to
him, but it has at the same time prevented him tasting
the more refined delights of society in a superior degree.
He will therefore be happy in Labrador."

Again :

" My brother has succeeded in his wish with Lord
Dartmouth, and will shortly be proprietor of the tract
in Labrador he had fixed upon. Our Eskimo friends
are greatly admired, and most so by the most intelli-
gent."

240 LABRADOR

But, alas ! a dreadful misfortune was to befall him and
his humble friends. The vessel had hardly left the
Downs before Caubvick was taken ill. On reaching
Lymington and consulting a surgeon he pronounced
her complaint small-pox, which, says Cartwright, " had
nearly the same effect upon me as if he had pronounced
my sentence of death." One after the other the un-
fortunate Eskimos were taken with this terrible disease,
and all died except Caubvick, who slowly recovered.

The sailing of the vessel was delayed for over two
months, and he did not finally get away until July i6th.

Caubvick's hair had become so matted with the
disease that it had to be cut off, but she could not be
persuaded to part with it, flying into a passion of rage
and grief whenever Cartwright proposed it, which he
continually did, knowing the danger of infection — a
foreboding which was only too fully realized, for the
following summer he has to record that one William
Phippard came on an Eskimo encampment on an island
in Invuctok Bay, where the whole family had evidently
died of small-pox. Cartwright had melancholy proof
that this was Caubvick's family from a medal found there,
which he recognized as having been given to Caubvick
by one of his brothers when in England.

When the vessel arrived at Cape Charles all the
Eskimos on the southern coast, numbering about five
hundred, hurried to greet their relations and friends. As
they drew near the shore and saw only Caubvick with
Cartwright, their joy was changed to gloomy silence.

" At length, with great perturbation and faltering-
accents, they enquired, separately, what was become of
the rest, and were no sooner given to understand by a
silent, sorrowful shake of my head that they were no
more, than they instantly set up such a yell as I never

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 241

before heard. Many of them snatched up stones and
beat themselves on the face and head till they became
shocking spectacles. In short, the violent frantic ex-
pressions of grief were such that I could not help
participating with them so far as to shed tears myself
most plentifully. They no sooner observed my emotion
than, mistaking it for the apprehensions which I was
under for fear of their resentment, they instantly seemed
to forget their own feelings to relieve those of mine.
They pressed around me, and said and did all in their
power to convince me that they did not entertain any
suspicions of my conduct towards their departed
friends."

Cartwright returned to England again in December
of that year and took with him an Eskimo boy of
twelve years, whom he intended to educate in order
that he might become the means of fuller communi-
cation with the savages. Fearing that he also might
take the small-pox he decided to have him inoculated,
but the poor lad succumbed to the treatment within
three days, to Cartwright's great grief.

1774 found Cartwright in partnership with Robert
and John Scott, with two vessels, The Earl of Dartmouth
and the Lady Tyrconnel, and fully prepared to carry on
a much more extensive trade than he had before at-
tempted. The year passed uneventfully, his journal
giving only the steady slaughter of birds and beasts ;
the fisheries were successful, and altogether it seems to
have been the most pleasant and prosperous year spent
by him on the Labrador.

In the spring of 1775 he decided to move further
north, and built for himself a comfortable house at
Sandwich Bay, which he appropriately named Caribou
Castle. It was the most northerly of all the fishing

24^ LABRADOR

stations at the time, excepting of course the Moravian
Missions, and was practically virgin country, having
been visited before only by wandering bands of Eskimo.
He was extremely pleased with his new location. He says
the sea-coast was weary and desolate in the extreme,
and barricaded with ice even in July, but immediately
Sandwich Bay was entered there was neither ice nor
snow. The waters of the bay were covered with duck
and other water birds, the hills were clothed with spruce
and birch, and the shore bordered with grass.

They took large quantities of cod with the seine in
the waters of the bay, and more salmon in the rivers
than they had salt to cure.^

One river which falls into Sandwich Bay he called
the White Bear River, from a remarkable adventure
which befell him there. Enormous quantities of salmon
ascended this river every spring. Cartwright says that
a rifle bullet could not be fired into the river without
killing some of them, and the shores were strewn with
the remains of thousands of salmon which had been
caught and consumed by the polar bears. We have
already heard that Cabot also reported this curious fact
of natural history. One spring Cartwright went up this
river during the salmon run and came upon several
white bears fishing in a pool, and shot a she bear and
also its cub. The report of his gun startled six or
eight more bears out of the woods, at which he fired as
quickly as he was able to load, but breaking his ramrod
he had to fly to the woods until he could get his rifle
loaded again. He then went farther up the river, where

^ Cartwright found on the shore of Sandwich Bay a pair of caribou
antlers with seventy-two points, which was believed to be the record head.
The animal had apparently been killed in fight with another stag. He
presented it to the Earl of Dartmouth. This head has recently been
traced by Mr. J. G. Millais, who states that it has fifty-three points only.

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 243

there was a beautiful little waterfall with a good sized
pool below it.

" Salmon innumerable were leaping in the air, and a
great concourse of white bears were diving after them.
Others were walking along shore, and others were going
in and out of the woods."

As he stood watching the curious scene an old dog
bear came out of the woods close beside him. Waiting
until the bear was within five yards of him he shot him
through the head, but another bear followed so closely
on the heels of the first that Cartwright had to fiy until
he had loaded his rifle again. Returning, he fired and
again killed a bear. Unfortunately he found himself
short of ammunition, a circumstance which had never
before happened to him, so was unable to avail himself
of the finest opportunity for sport that ever man had.
He counted thirty-two bears in sight at one time, but
there were many more through the woods. He shot six
bears altogether, but only secured one skin. " So ended
in disappointment the finest sport I ever saw."

This was again a very prosperous year, and his vessels
went home in the fall loaded with fish, oil, salmon, and
furs. During the summer he started a garden and set
out peas, beans, radishes, onions, cress, cucumbers, corn,
oats, and wheat. An ambitious list, and it is to be
feared many of his vegetables did not come to perfec-
tion.

In the spring of 1776, cod and salmon again appeared
in great quantities and kept all hands at work.

In the autumn he went home to spend the winter.

When he started the following spring for Labrador
he was obliged to sail in company with a fleet of
vessels convoyed by the Pegasus sloop of war, as the

244 LABRADOR

war with the American colonies had broken out, and their
privateers had already made themselves feared. The
protection afforded by the Pegasus seems to have been
rather moral than actual, for no effort was made to
keep the fleet together, and Cartwright finally sailed off
by himself, his " prophetic soul " still greatly troubled
with the thought of American privateers. He arrived
at Sandwich Bay without adventure on June 20th, and
was informed that an American privateer was cruising
in the Straits of Belle Isle and had taken one of
Pinson's vessels. Shortly after he heard that the
privateer had taken H.M.S. Fox and several bankers.

The fishery that year was even more successful than
the previous year, and in August cod were so plentiful
that his people had not been in bed for nearly a week
and were nearly dead with fatigue. But such a pros-
perous state of affairs was too good to last. On August
27th he writes : —

" At one o'clock this morning I was aroused by
a loud knocking at my door, and when I opened a
body of armed men rushed in. They informed me that
they belonged to the Minerva privateer, of Boston, in
New England, commanded by John Grimes, mounting
twenty 9-pounders and manned with 160 men, and
that I was their prisoner. They then demanded my
keys, and took possession of my vessels and all my
stores."

About noon the Minerva worked into Blackguard
Bay and came to anchor there, (Cartwright does not
comment on the appropriateness of her anchorage).
He went on board and was received civilly by Grimes,
who told him for his consolation that he had a few
days before taken three vessels belonging to Noble

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 245

and Pinson, loaded them with fish and sent them off
to Boston. A number of Noble and Pinson's men
had shipped on board the Mmerva, and no less than
thirty-two of Cartwright's men followed suit. The
Minerva also took away four Eskimo to be made slaves
of They loaded Cartwright's vessel, The Countess of
Effingham, with fish and sent her off to Boston. " He
gave me a small quantity of provisions, returned my
boats and most of their sails, and by noon the ship,
together with my brig, went to sea. May the devil go
with them ! "

Cartwright was particularly incensed at the desertion
of Captain Kettle, (who seems to have been of very
different calibre to his modern namesake of fiction), the
master of the brig, and also hoped that he would have
it in his power to reward the infamous behaviour of his
former servants who were particularly active in dis-
tressing him. It was a great satisfaction to him to find
out afterwards that " that lying rascal Grimes," when he
arrived in Boston, clapped Kettle and the rest of the
traitors into prison, having tempted them with a promise
of a share of the booty, but by this means avoiding
giving it to them. Before Grimes sailed he turned two
of the deserters ashore again, and Cartwright immediately
gave them a most severe beating with a stout stick.
The chronicle of this disastrous day closes with the
following lame and impotent conclusion : " As soon as
they were gone, I took up my gun, walked out upon the
island, and shot a curlew."

Cartwright calculated that he was robbed of ;^ 14,000
worth of goods, which he feared would prove his ruin, as
indeed it did. He was told that this privateer had
plundered the merchants in Temple Bay and Charles
Harbour to even a greater extent than they did him.

246 LABRADOR

His journal afterwards contains many bitter references
to privateers. June 8th, 1779, was a particularly bad
day, and he writes : —

" If any ships are on this coast now, God help them,
unless they are piratical privateers coming to plunder
innocent people again ; for such I recommend to their
friend the devil,"

But he had a pleasant surprise a month later, when
his vessel The Countess of Effingharji put in an appear-
ance with all his salt and most of the goods the priva-
teer had taken away. She had been retaken on the
passage to Boston by five of the crew, who took her
across to Dartmouth and delivered her to Cartwright's
agent.

Another American privateer visited the coast about
1779 and committed many depredations, especially at
Twillingate and Battle Harbour, so that the settlers
north of Trinity Bay were actually in the utmost
distress for want of provisions. But the Americans
were not always successful in their raids, for at White
Bay, Mr. Tory's people drove her off with the loss of a
considerable number of the crew.

This news kept him in a continual state of nerves,
and every strange vessel afterwards was thought to
be a privateer. In August one of his hands came
running to him exclaiming " that he was taken again,"
but it proved to be H.M.S. Martett, Captain Durell,
who had come to patrol the coast. The alarm, how-
ever, put his spirits in such a state that he could not
sleep. Captain Durell gave him three cases of small
arms and plenty of ammunition in case he was again
attacked. He served out the arms and ammunition,
and offered ten guineas reward to any of his people

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 247

who first gave notice of the enemy's approach. But
he had yet to suffer at their hands : two years later
a new vessel, with his whole collection of fish, oil, and
furs being taken on the voyage to England, thus com-
pleting his financial ruin. Cartwright was a guileless
man, and generous to a fault. He once heard that
one of his salmon posts had been taken possession
of by a man called Baskem, and went immediately
to turn him out, but finding the man, his wife, and
children in a wretched condition of poverty, he made
him a deed of gift of the house and all his rights to the
post. He was continually being imposed upon by his
principal rivals, Noble and Pinson. Once he lent them
some provisions when they ran short, but when his own
supply was late in arriving and he had to go to them
to get back what he had lent, they made him pay
through the nose for it. Another man, Forsythe,
borrowed a lot of salt from him on the pretence that
he had plenty at another point near, and would return
it immediately, but it turned out that he had not a
grain on the coast, and Cartwright again lost heavily
through his guilelessness.

When he got to England in 1779, his affairs were
in such a bad way, owing to the losses he had sustained
at the hands of the American privateers, that he had
to call a meeting of his creditors and ask for time,
when he hoped to pay them in full. But one mis-
fortune after another fell upon him. His vessel, the
Countess of Effi^tgham^ was lost ; then a new vessel,
which he bought, was badly damaged in a terrific gale,
and had to jettison her cargo, which was without
insurance, and finally, as we have heard, was taken
by the enemy. In 1783 he was thus deeper in debt
than before, but his hopes were revived by hearing

24S LABRADOR

that a vein of ore had been discovered on his property ;
so he determined to return again to Labrador and
take with him an experienced miner, not in the least
doubting that he would soon be out of debt, and
indeed, in affluent circumstances. But on reaching
Cartwright Harbour he was much mortified to find
that his people had collected very little fur during the
winter, had had a poor salmon fishery, and the ore,
from which he had hoped so much, proved to be
without use or value.

He then saw that he was irretrievably ruined, but
worked on, and had a fairly successful summer's fish-
ing. Fate, however, had not yet done with him, for
again the vessel with his fish was lost without insurance.
But he did not yet despair, and when he met his
creditors in England told them that he felt confident
he could retrieve his fortune if allowed five years in
which to do so, seeing that the war was over and he
had nothing to fear from privateers.

So in April, 1785, he started for the last time for
Labrador, feeling that he could not look upon himself
as an honest man unless he did all in his power to pay
up " the last deficient penny " he owed. His plan was
to take few servants, and employ them and himself
in trapping during the winter and trading with the
Eskimos in summer. The Under Secretary of State,
Mr. Nepean, persuaded him to take out some convicts
who were under sentence of transportation, and he
accordingly went to Newgate and selected four young
men. But they proved a troublesome lot, and of little
use to him. He went out in a vessel to Trinity, and
there hired a shallop to take him to Labrador. On the
French shore, where the rights of the French had
recently been confirmed by treaty, he was told that the

CAPTAIN GEORGE CARTWRIGHT 249

commanders of English men-of-war had orders to turn
all the English settlers out of the French district.

In July, 1786, he received a letter from Noble and
Pinson, who had become one of his principal creditors,
" the whole contents of which are infamous falsities
calculated to pick a quarrel in hopes of taking an unfair
advantage of our situation." They accused him and
his partner Mr. Collingham of embezzling part of their
late estate, and had seized the consignment of fish
which had been sent over at the end of 1785. Cart-
wright immediately determined to start for England to
confute their villainies and recover his property. On
his arrival in London, he applied to his trustees and
agents for the restitution of the property which had
been seized ; this they refused to do, and he had con-
sequently to enter an action at law against them. After
many delays the case came up for trial ; the great
Erskine, who was counsel for the other side, was finally
obliged to admit that he had not a word to say in
defence of his client, and judgment was given in Cart-
wright's favour with all costs.

This last trying experience caused him to determine
never to return to Labrador, where he had experienced
such hardships, disappointments, and wrongs. But he
still retained an interest in the business. In his evidence
before the Committee of the House of Commons in
1793 he stated that his business on the Labrador had
been very flourishing, having cleared over 100 per cent,
for the past three years.

He obtained an appointment as Barrack Master at
Nottingham, a position which he filled with distinction
and popularity until he retired in 18 17.

It is recorded that once when political feeling was
running very high at Nottingham, and the Radical

250 LABRADOR

populace had charge of the streets, he alone, although
known to be a violent Tory, dared to show his face.

He died two years after his retirement, at the age
of eighty-one, full of energy to the last, his mind being
occupied on his death-bed with proposals to the Hudson
Bay Company to establish hunting and trading posts on
the Labrador. He is described as a handsome man of
Herculean frame, with great dignity of carriage, courtly
manners, and agreeable conversation.

CHAPTER XIII

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN

SIR HUGH PALLISER, in his "Order for Estab-
lishing Communication with the Eskimos," says,
referring to the Moravian Brethren : — " I have invited
Interpreters and Missionaries to go amongst them to
instruct them, etc."

This was somewhat disingenuous on the part of Sir
Hugh, for the initiative undoubtedly came from the
Moravians themselves, although when they made the
proposition to him, he immediately encouraged and
helped them to the utmost of his power.

This was not the first attempt of these pious men
to introduce Christianity among the heathen Eskimos
on the Labrador. Fifteen years before Palliser's time,
John Christian Erhardt, one of the Brethren, proposed
that he should go to Labrador and establish a Mission
there, such as was already successful in Greenland.
He was a sailor by profession, perhaps of the rank of
boatswain or second mate, and had been on a Dutch
whaler fishing in Greenland waters, where he had many
opportunities of seeing the great work which had been
accomplished by the Brethren. He wrote a touch-
ing letter to Bishop Johannes de Watteville in 1750,
begging that he be allowed to undertake the work.
" Now, dear Johannes," he said, " thou knowest that I
am an old Greenland traveller. I have also an amazing

251

252 LABRADOR

affection for these countries, Indians and other bar-
barians, and it would be a source of the greatest joy
if the Saviour would discover to me that He has chosen
me and would make me fit for this service."

But Count Zinzendorf, the head of the Brethren in
London, hesitated to undertake this new field of Mission
work. At length, in 1752, the London firm of Nisbet,
Grace, and Bell determined to fit out a vessel for a
trading expedition to Labrador, and engaged Erhardt
to go as interpreter and supercargo. Apparently these
. merchants were desirous also that a settlement should
be made there, and at their instigation four Moravian
Brethren, Golkowsky, Kunz, Post, and Krumm, signified
their willingness to accompany the expedition and to
remain in the country.

The vessel, which bore the appropriate name of Hope,
arrived on the southern coast of Labrador on July nth,
1752. Proceeding northwards they first met the Eski-
mos on the 29th, and on the 31st arrived at a beautiful
harbour in lat. 55.10, which they called Nisbett's Har-
bour, and is now known as Ford's Bight. This they
thought to be a suitable place for the settlement ; so
landing, they took possession of the land in the name
of King George HI, carving his name upon a tree.

The Eskimos exhibited the greatest pleasure at meet-
ing a white man who could speak their language, and
Erhardt carried on a brisk barter trade with them in
the most amicable manner. All during the month of
August the missionaries, assisted by the ship's com-
pany, laboured at getting their house finished and all
preparations made for the winter. It was a matter of
the greatest regret that none of them could speak the
Eskimo language except Erhardt, and he was not very
proficient Finally, on September 5th, everything being

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 253

ready, the Hope left the harbour to seek further oppor-
tunities for trade. Ten days later she again appeared
with the dreadful news that Erhardt, the captain, and
five of the crew had left the ship in a boat on the 13th
to trade with a tribe of Eskimos whom they had en-
countered, and had not been seen again. The mate,
Goff, waited for two days for them in the greatest
suspense, but having no other boat or a crew to man
it, he decided to return to Nisbett's Harbour to get the
assistance of the four missionaries and the boat which
had been left for their use. The scene of the tragedy
appears to have been quite near to Nisbett's Harbour.
But very stormy weather came on, and after vainly
attempting to reach the place in their boat, they sorrow-
fully decided that there was no hope of rescuing their
companions, and consequently abandoned the station,
sailing on September 20th for St. John's.

What happened to Erhardt and the boat's crew must
for ever remain a mystery. It has always been conclu-
ded that they fell victims to the cupidity and treachery
of the Eskimos at the time v/hen they left the ship. But
this is by no means certain. For in the following year
the American whaler Argo, Captain Swaine, visited the
place and found the house still standing, and the remains
of the seven murdered men, which they buried. It thus
appears that they had been accidentally delayed or
perhaps detained by the Eskimos at the place where
they left the ship, and later, finding the ship gone, made
their way back to the house. Here they were after-
wards murdered. Jens Haven records later that one of
the murderers was pointed out to him, and Christian
Drachardt tells that the graves where the whalers had
buried the remains had been shown to him.^

^ In the report of the Argo's voyage, published in the Pennsylvania
Gazette, November 17, 1753, and in Captain Swaine's log, no mention is
made of finding or burying the remains of the murdered men.

254 LABRADOR

The seed of their great purpose was sown, however,
and at once another of the brethren quietly and un-
ostentatiously devoted himself to the work of converting
the Eskimos on Labrador. Jens Haven, a carpenter
by trade, ignorant of both the English and Eskimo
languages, and unaccustomed to a seafaring life,
decided within himself that it was for him to take
up the work, and at once began the study of all the
books he could get relating to the country and its
inhabitants.

In 1758 he went to Greenland and laboured in the
missions there, learning the language and training him-
self for the purpose he had in view. Returning in 1762
to Herrnhut, the home of the Moravian Church in Ger-
many, he declared his intention of going to Labrador.
After much discussion he obtained permission to make
the attempt, and, alone and unassisted, set out for
London bent upon carrying out his design. Through the
intervention of friends there he obtained an introduction
to Commodore Palliser, who had just received his ap-
pointment as Governor of Newfoundland. His pro-
posals met with Sir Hugh's hearty sympathy, and all
necessary assistance was at once accorded him. He
made his way to St. John's, Newfoundland, and there
waited for the arrival of Sir Hugh, who at once issued
the following proclamation : —

" Hitherto the Eskimoux have been considered in no
other light than as thieves and murderers, but as Mr.
Haven has formed his laudable plan, not only of uniting
these people with the English nation, but of instructing
them in the Christian religion, I require, by virtue of the
powers delegated to me, that all men, whomsoever it
may concern, lend him all the assistance in their
power," etc.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 255

He also furnished him with the following compre-
hensive Indian passport to be dispersed among the
Eskimos : —

Indian Passport fo?^ those inhabiting the Coast of Labra-
dor, to bring a friendly intercourse between His M.
subjects and them, and to be distributed amongst them
by fans Haveti, a Moravia?z.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY HUGH PALLISER, GOVERNOR,
Etc., Etc.

Whereas many and great advantages would arise to His
Majesty's Trading subjects, if a friendly intercourse could be
established with the Esquimaux Indians, inhabiting the Coast
of Labrador, and as all attempts hitherto made for that
purpose have proved ineifectual, owing in great measure to
the imprudent, treacherous, or cruel conduct of some people
who have resorted to that coast, by plundering and killing
several of them, from which they have entertained an opinion
of our Dispositions and Intentions being the same with
respect to them as their's are towards us, that is to circumvent
and kill them. And whereas such wicked practices are most
contrary to His Majesty's sentiments of humanity, to his
desire of conciliating their affections, and his endeavours to
induce them to trade with his subjects. In conformity to
these, His Majesty's sentiments, I hereby strictly forbid such
wicked practices for the future, and declare that all such as
are found offending herein shall be punished with the utmost
severity of the law.

And whereas I have taken measures for bringing about a
friendly communication between the said Indians and His
Majesty's subjects, and for removing those prejudices that
have hitherto proved obstacles to it, I hereby strictly enjoin
and require all His Majesty's subjects who meet with any of
the said Indians to treat them in the most civil and friendly
manner and in all their bearings with them to act with the

256 LABRADOR

utmost probity and good faith particularly with such of them
as may produce this Certificate of their having entered into
treaty with me, and that I have in His Majesty's name assured
them that they may by virtue thereof safely trade with His
Majesty's subjects without danger of being hurt or ill-treated,
and I hereby require and enjoin all His Majesty's subjects to
conform and pay the strictest regard thereto, at the same time
recommending it to both parties to act with proper caution
for their own security till by frequent communication a perfect
confidence may be established between them.

Given under my Hand, St. John's, ist July, 1764.

H. P.

To Mr. Jens Haven to be dispersed amongst the Indians

on the Coast of Labrador.

By Command of His Excellency,
(Signed) Jno. Horsenaill.

This laudable design of Sir Hugh, however, failed of
its purpose ; for, when Haven met the Eskimos and, after
reading the passport, presented it to them, " they shrunk
back terrified, and would not be persuaded to touch it,
for they supposed it to be a living creature, having seen
me speak words from it." This, however, anticipates
somewhat. Haven found it quite difficult to make his
way from St. John's to Labrador. The English mer-
chants interested in the Newfoundland trade had just
extended their operations to that coast, and communi-
cations were infrequent.

From Jens Haven's Jo7irnal, which he gave to Sir
Hugh Palliser, and which is preserved at the Record
Office, we learn that he went north with three shallops,
which were going to Labrador to fish, and arrived at
Carpunt on August 17th. Here they were joined by four
shallops, which had just come from Labrador, and
reported that a great number of Eskimos had been at
York Harbour, and had driven away the English by

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 257

their usual tactics of a sudden surprise and unearthly-
yells.

The fleet of fishing boats being increased to ten, Jens
Haven persuaded them to set out again for the Labrador
coast, but their hearts failed them on the way across,
and they scampered back to Carpunt.

Haven then went on board Capt. Cook's vessel, and
was kindly received by the great navigator, who was
then engaged in surveying the northern parts of New-
foundland and Labrador, Cook arranged for him to be
taken to Labrador by an Irish vessel fishing at St.
Julian's, and he finally landed at the much-desired bourne
on August 24th. But the Eskimos had left Chateau Bay,
and he was taken back to Carpunt, greatly disappointed.

Here he found a Capt. Thompson and Capt. Nicholas
Darby, and learned that the Eskimos had been there in
his absence. But a few days afterward they returned,
seeking to trade with a French captain whom they had
been in the habit of meeting there. The encounter is
best described in Haven's own words : —

"September 4th, 1764, was the joyful day I had so
long wished for, when one Eskimaux came into the
harbour to see if Captain Galliot was there. While I was
preparing to go to him he had turned, and was departing
to return to his countrymen, who lay in the mouth of the
harbour, with the intelligence that the Captain had
sailed. I called out to him in Greenlandish that he
should come to me, that I had words to say to him, and
that I was his good friend. He was astonished at my
speech, and answered in broken French ; but I begged
him to speak in his own language, which I understood,
and to bring his countrymen, as I wished to speak to
them also ; on which he went to them, and cried with a
loud voice ' Our friend is come.'
s

258 LABRADOR

" I had hardly put on my Greenland clothes when five
of them arrived in their own boats. I went to meet
them, and said, ' I have long desired to see you ! ' They
replied, ' Here is an innuit ! ' I answered, ' I am your
countryman and friend ! ' They rejoined, ' Thou art
indeed our countryman.' The joy on both sides was
very great, and we continued in conversation for a con-
siderable time, when at last they invited me to
accompany them to an island about an hour's row from
the shore, where I should find their wives and children,
who would give me a cordial welcome, I well knew
that in doing this I put myself entirely in their power ;
but conceiving it to be of essential service to our
Saviour's cause that I should venture my life among
them, and endeavour to become better acquainted with
their nature, I turned simply to Him and said, ' I will go
with them in Thy name. If they kill me, my work on
earth is done, and I shall live with Thee ; but if they
spare my life, I will firmly believe that it is Thy will that
they should hear and believe the Gospel.'

" The pilot and a sailor, who put me ashore, remained
in the boat, and pushed off a little way from the land
to see what would become of me. I was immediately
surrounded, and everyone seemed anxious to show me
his family. I gave every boy two fish-hooks, and every
woman two or three sewing needles ; and after con-
versing about two hours, left them, with a promise of
being soon with them again. In the afternoon I re-
turned with the pilot, who wished to trade with them.
I begged them to remain in this place during the night,
but not to steal anything from our people, and showed
the danger of doing this. They said, ' The Europeans
steal also.' I answered, ' If they do so, let me know, and
they shall be punished.' I seized every opportunity to

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 259

say something about the Saviour, to which they listened
with great attention. I then invited them to visit me
next morning, and took leave.

" Next morning, accordingly, eighteen Esquimaux
came in their boats. I went out to sea to meet them,
and as the French Captain was frightened at the sight
of such a crowd, I only allowed six of them to come
ashore with me, and directed the others to land some-
where else I then got into a boat and went

with them again to their families, who received me as
before, with the greatest show of kindness. In the
evening three French and one English boat arrived
full of Esquimaux. The men came immediately to see
me, and requested I would visit them in their tents. I
read to them a letter written by the missionary John
Beck, in the name of the Greenlanders, and as I spoke
to them of the Saviour's death they appeared struck
with terror — supposing that they were being upbraided
for some of their former murders. On which I showed
them that he was a great friend to mankind — but they
had no understanding of spiritual things.

" To my astonishment I spoke to them with much
more ease than I supposed I could have done, and they
expressed great affection for me, insisting always upon
my being present at all their trading transactions with
the sailors, to adjust matters between them, ' for,' said
they, 'you are our friend !' When retiring, they entreated
me to come again and bring my brethren with me."

Sir Hugh Palliser was greatly pleased with this
successful beginning to the good work. He sent Haven
to England in the Lark frigate, and gave him a letter
of introduction to the Board of Trade, setting forth the
importance of the work thus begun, and asking for their
influence and assistance. This was readily granted, and

26o LABRADOR

the next year Haven, accompanied by three of the
Moravian Brethren — Christian Drachardt, John Hill,
and Andrew Schlozer — were sent out in a man-of-war
to Newfoundland. Here they were fortified again by a
Proclamation, reading as follows : —

Procla,ina,tion of Governor in Referetice to Moravians,

1765.

BY HIS EXCELLENCY HUGH PALLISER, ETC.
Whereas the Society of the Unitas Fratrura, under the
protection of His Majesty have, from a pious zeal for pro-
moting the knowledge of a true God and of the religion
of our Beloved Lord the Saviour, Jesus Christ, amongst the
Heathens, formed a resolution of establishing a mission of
their brothers upon the Coast of Labrador ; for that purpose
v»'e have appointed John Hill, Christian Drachart, Jens Haven
and Christian Schlozer to effect this pious purpose ; and
whereas the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty and the
Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations have signified
to me their entire approbation of an undertaking so commend-
able in itself and that promises so great benefit to the publick ;
These are, therefore, to certify all persons whom it may
concern that the said John Hill, Christian Drachart, Jens
Haven, and Christopher Schlozer, are under His Majesty's
protection and all Officers Civil and Military, and all others
His Majesty's subjects within my Government, are hereby
strictly charged and required not to give any interruption or
hindrance to the said John Hill, Christian Drachart, Jens
Haven and Christian Schlozer, but to afford them every aid
and friendly assistance for the success of their pious under-
taking for the benefit of mankind in general and of His
Majesty's subjects in particular.

Given under my hand and seal, 30th April, 1765.

Hugh Palliser.
By Command of His Excellency,
John Horsnaill.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 261

They were sent to Chateau in H.M.S. Niger under
the command of Sir Thomas Adams, where they
arrived on July 17th. They then separated, Haven
and Schlozer going north in H.M. sloop Hope to look
for the Eskimos, while Drachart and Hill remained
with the Niger, The former were very unfortunate
and did not meet any of the savages, as it proved
to be customary for them to travel south at that
season of the year on trading or marauding expedi-
tions.

Drachardt and Hill were therefore more successful,
and very soon hundreds of Eskimos appeared in the
harbour. When the first kayaks approached the ship,
they uttered the French words, " Tous cammarades, oui,
hee ! " to which Drachardt replied in Greenlandish,
using the common form of salutation, " We are friends " ;
they at once responded with the counterpart, " We are
also thy friends." Some of them had met Haven in
the previous year and inquired affectionately for him,
and all were delighted to find other white men who
could speak their language. With reassuring speeches
they invited Drachardt to visit their camp, to which he
at once agreed.

There, surrounded by over three hundred savages,
he began to converse with them in their own language.
He told them he had come from the Karalit in the
Far East, of whom they had no knowledge, but who
knew of them, and that those distant Karalits were
very anxious that they should hear the very important
news he had for them.

He then began to tell of the Saviour and Creator of
the world. Never had the great story been told to
more unpromJsing listeners, and their comments and
questions showed how little prepared they were to

262 LABRADOR

understand what was said to them. But their friendH-
ness and pleasure were unmistakable.

Very shortly Sir Hugh Palliser arrived at Chateau
in the Guernsey^ and through the agency of the
Brethren made that peace with the Eskimos which
has been referred to in a previous chapter.

Altogether, their intercourse was most successful?
and when at the end of the season the Brethren took
leave of their new friends, they were entreated to come
again, which they readily promised to do.

Unfortunately, several years were to elapse before
their promise could be fulfilled, and in the interval
several ruptures took place between the white fisher-
men and the Eskimos. Two of these frays have been
already noted — that of the American whalers com-
plained of by Palliser, and the other at Darby's whaling
station at Cape Charles.

The cause of the delay was the difficulty the
Moravians had in obtaining a grant of land and other
privileges, which they deemed absolutely necessary for
the successful conduct of their mission. They asked
for 100,000 acres of land for each settlement they
should make on the Labrador.

This seemed to have aroused the suspicions of the
Board of Trade, and even Palliser demurred. His pet
scheme was that the Labrador coast should be kept
strictly for the ship fishery from Great Britain, and
grants of land were to be rigidly refused. He wanted
sailors for the Navy, not settlers. But the Moravians
were firm. With remarkable prescience they pointed
out that it was absolutely necessary that they should
be able to protect their flock from the contaminating
influence of chance traders. Mr. James Hutton, the
secretary of the London Society, declared "that it

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 263

would be better to leave them ignorant of the Gospel
than that by means of spirituous liquors, quarrels, brutal
lusts, or bad neighbourhood, they should draw back
from the Gospel. The only way to prevent quarrelling
and violence would be to grant us absolute property in
the land, upon which none should be allowed to stay
except on good behaviour."

Palliser and Hutton had a hot argument on the
subject, " yet mixed with much cordiality and affection,
Palliser's hand on Hutton's and Hutton's hand on
Palliser's shoulder — shot for shot, friendly and warm,
and without the least air of reserve."

Finally, on May 3rd, 1769, the Moravian Brethren
obtained their grant on their own terms. By its means
their Missionaries, through many years of patient
labour, unnoticed, unpraised, unrewarded on this earth,
have gradually won the entire Eskimo population of
the East Coast of Labrador to the Christian verity, and
have undoubtedly been the means of preserving the
race from extinction.

This grant reads as follows : —

Order in Council granting land to Moravians at
Esquimaux Bay, 1 769.

AT THE COURT OF ST. JAMES,
The 3RD day of May, 1769.
Whereas there was this day read at the Board a Report from
the Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee of Council
for Plantation Affairs; Dated the 20th of last month, in the
words following, viz : —

"Your Majesty having been pleased by Your Order in
Council of the 20th February last to refer unto this Committee
a Representation from the Lords Commissioners for Trade
and Plantations setting forth that they have had under their

264 LABRADOR

consideration a memorial presented by the Earl of Hills-
borough, one of Your Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State,
on behalf of the Society of Unitas Fratrum, stating. That the
said Society are desirous of prosecuting their intention of
establishing a Mission on the Western Coast of Labrador for
the purpose of civilizing and instructing the Savages called
Esquimaux, inhabiting that Coast, in which undertaking the
Memorialists represent that they have already taken some steps
in consequence of encouragement received from the Board in
1765; but that there is a necessity of having permission to
occupy such a quantity of land on that Continent as may
induce the Esquimaux to settle around the Missionaries ; that
for this purpose they have pitched upon Esquimaux Bay and
praying for a grant on that spot of one hundred thousand
acres of land, or about twelve miles square ; with liberty in
common of other British subjects of fishing and trading on
that Coast, submitting at the same time the expediency of the
Government erecting a blockhouse near the said intended
settlement to protect the Esquimaux and their Missionaries
from violence and encroachments of any disorderly people
who might happen to come into the Bay.

Whereupon the said Lords Commissioners represent that in
the year 1765 the Society above mentioned with the approba-
tion of the Government deputed four of their brethren to
visit and explore the Coast of Labrador with a view to propa-
gate the Gospel among the savage inhabitants ; those persons
though unavoidably prevented from completing their design
in the full extent did however by the assistance and under the
direction of Mr. Palliser, Your Majesty's Governor in New-
foundland, make some progress in the laudable work of their
mission by establishing an intercourse and concluding a treaty
with those savages. Whereupon in the year following, upon
the favourable report made to Your Majesty's said Government
touching the conduct and behaviour of their said Missionaries
and in consequence of a petition of the said Society, the
Board of Trade did in an humble representation to Your

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 265

Majesty dated March 27th, 1766, submit, whether it might not
be advisable to allow this Society to occupy such a district of
land, not exceeding one hundred thousand acres, upon the
Coast of Labrador as they should think best situated for the
purposes of their Mission, from the opinion of their predeces-
sors in office they see no reason to dissent and as they do in
like manner with them think it advisable to encourage and
promote a settlement of this sort, as well from the pious and
laudable object of its institution, as from the public and com-
mercial advantage to be derived from it ; they beg leave humbly
to recommend to Your Majesty that the Society, or any persons
deputed by the Society, for that purpose may be allowed by an
order of Your Majesty in Council to occupy and possess during
Your Majesty's pleasure one hundred thousand acres of land
in Esquimaux Bay on the Coast of Labrador as they shall find
most suitable to their purpose, and that Your Majesty's Gover-
nor of Newfoundland may be directed by the said Order to
give them all reasonable assistance and support in forming
such establishment, and by a Proclamation to be published
in Your Majesty's name signifying that this establishment is
formed under Your Majesty's express authority and direction,
to warn all persons from molesting and disturbing the said
settlers ; and in case it shall appear to him to be necessary for
their welfare and security, that one or more of the principal
Missionaries shall be vested with the authority of Justice of
the Peace, that he should in such case issue the proper com-
mission for that purpose, conformable to the powers delegated
to him by Your Majesty's Commission under the Great Seal.
With respect to the matter of erecting a blockhouse near the
said intended settlement for the defence of the Esquimaux
and the Missionaries and for the general protection of the
British Trade and Fishery, they do not think themselves justi-
fied in advising Your Majesty to comply with a request that
would very probably be attended with considerable public ex-
pense, and for which there does not appear to be any im-
mediate necessity ; but as they think it highly proper that

2 66 LABRADOR

reasonable and necessary measures should be taken for the
security of those who shall establish themselves on this savage
and uncivilized Coast, they would humbly recommend Your
Majesty to direct, that the persons who shall engage in this
settlement shall be furnished out of Your Majesty's Stores with
fifty muskets and a proportionate quantity of ammunition
which they consider may be sufficient for their personal security
and defence. The Lords of the Committee in obedience to
Your Majesty's said Order of reference this day took into
their consideration the said representation and do humbly
report to Your Majesty that they agree in opinion with what
is above proposed by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and
Plantations.

The Synod of the Moravian Church in London at
once began to make plans for a permanent settlement.
Before this could be done, however, it was necessary
that a more extended reconnoitring expedition should
be made. A vessel called the Jersey Packet was pur-
chased, and a most fortunate choice of a captain made
in the person of Francis Mugford. The history of the
Moravian ships and their captains is one of the most re-
markable in the records of navigation. For 137 years
they have made an annual trip to this stormy, ice-beset,
and still uncharted coast, but have not yet lost a vessel.

Jens Haven, Christian Drachardt, and Stephen
Jensen were placed in charge of this expedition. The
vessel sailed on May 17th, 1770, and on June 24th
arrived off Amitok Island near Nain. This was the
nominal anniversary of Cabot's discover}^, but owing
to the change in the calendar was in reality twelve
days earlier. This is an important argument in the
discussion of Cabot's land-fall.

Proceeding northward they soon fell in wl'&s. the
Eskimos, among whom they found an old acquaint-

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 267

ance, Segulliak. Mikak and her husband Tuglavina
were also in the neighbourhood, and shortly made
their appearance. Mikak was arrayed in the gorgeous
dress which had been presented to her in England,
and had not forgotten the little English she had
learned. By virtue of her larger experiences, or
perhaps of her dress, Mikak had gained considerable
authority over her tribe as well as her husband, and
freely exercised it on behalf of the Missionaries.^

She had told her people that the Brethren intended
to live among them, and when they confirmed her
report, the Eskimos gave vent to extraordinary ex-
pressions of joy.

Having selected the locality now known as Nain
for their first settlement, they felt it but right that
they should obtain the consent of the Eskimos to
their appropriation of it. The matter was explained
with some difficulty, and a gift made to each family.
A document was then drawn up recording the trans-
action, and the principal Eskimos were required to
make a mark upon it opposite their names, to signify
their acceptance of the bargain.

A piece of ground was then chosen and marked at
the four corners by stones, bearing the inscription,
"G. Ill, 1770, and U. F., 1770."

Sir Hugh Palliser had given Mikak a very spacious
tent ; this was erected, and from its shelter the
venerable Missionary Drachardt preached his first
sermon to an assemblage of about 800 people. All
listened with great attention, and when Mikak and
Tuglavina spoke in support of the statements made
by Drachardt, they were all visibly affected. The

^ A portion of Mikak's famous dress was still in the possession of her
grandson, Joseph Palliser, in 1870.

268 LABRADOR

remembrance of the murders they had committed
weighed heavily on their minds, and they greatly
feared that the Missionaries would take away the
boats they had stolen on their marauding expeditions.

At length the time came for the Missionaries' depart-
ure. Mikak sent two white fox skins to the Dowager
Princess of Wales, a black fox to the Duke of
Gloucester, and two red ones to Sir Hugh Palliser.
The heads of the tribes gave many assurances that
they would live in peace with the Europeans, and
with many promises of a return in the following year
the Brethren set sail for England.

The deepest consideration was given to every detail
of the preparation for the new colony, and their plans
were wisely and truly laid. The company chosen for
the work were Jens Haven and his newly-married wife,
an Englishwoman ; Christian Drachardt, the old Green-
land Missionary who desired only to end his days in
labouring for the conversion of the Eskimos ; Chris-
topher Braasen, a physician and surgeon, accompanied
by his wife ; John Schneider and his wife ; Stephen
Jensen, who was to take charge of the trade ; and six
single Brethren.

The frame of a house was prepared, all ready to
set up, and a large vessel, the Amity, purchased to
carry the party and their stores to the chosen spot.

On the eve of their departure the old church in
Fetter Lane was the scene of a memorable gathering
of Brethren and their sympathizers, when the work
and the workers were commended to the care and
protection of the Almighty.

On May 8th, 1771, the Amity, commanded by
Captain Mugford, set sail, but did not arrive at her
destination until August 8th, They immediately began

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 269

to set up their house, and by great exertions had it
completed on September 22nd. On the 24th the
Amity sailed on her return voyage, leaving the little
colony fairly comfortably settled for the winter.

Mikak and Tuglavina were again present and greatly
assisted the Missionaries, but nevertheless they felt that
their position was often a very dangerous one, requiring
them to be continually on their guard, " with a tool in
one hand and a weapon in the other." The aged Mis-
sionary, Drachardt, in the meanwhile devoted himself to
preaching and speaking to the Eskimos, endeavouring
to awaken in them some idea of the great truths of the
Christian religion.

In 1772 the ship which was to take out supplies to the
settlement first made a fishing voyage to the Banks, in
an endeavour to reduce the cost of the adventure. But
this delayed her so much that she only reached Nain
at the end of October. At that time the Brethren had
despaired of receiving any succour that season, and were
reduced to gathering berries for their sustenance.

The next year Sir M. Shuldham, Governor of New-
foundland, sent Lieut. Roger Curtis to visit the
Brethren's settlement. His report is most interesting.
It is full of praise for the methods of the Brethren, and
wonder at the work already accomplished. In temporal
things he found that they had built a substantial living
house and store-house, had erected a saw-mill, and laid
out a garden which provided them with salads and
some vegetables.

The work of proselytizing was naturally of slow
growth, and the Eskimos then showed but little indica-
tion of understanding the teaching of the Brethren,
but they had made a good beginning in that they had
already won their hearts. The following extracts from

270 LABRADOR

Curtis's report are so vivid that it were a pity not to
quote them. Of the Missionaries he writes : —

" Shielded by virtue, they find the protection of arms
unnecessary. None of the Eskimos presume to come
within the palisades without permission. They have
been told that they must not, and obey with the most
satisfied and patient submission. In their contro-
versies they appeal to the Missionaries. Sloth begins
to be discountenanced among them, and labour, which
was heretofore thought of with detestation, is now
practised with applause. Thus it is that by means
of this laudable Society, a herd of barbarous savages
are in a fair way to become useful subjects, and the
adventurers on the coast will prosecute their business
in greater security."

In the following year jurisdiction over the coast of
Labrador was transferred from Newfoundland to the
Province of Quebec, during which regime no enquiry
into the work of the Missions seems to have been
made.

The task assumed by the Moravian Missionaries was
most difficult and complex. How to reach the souls
of this savage people, to teach them the simplest Chris-
tian truths, and to explain and to inculcate almost
every principle of morality, was a problem which exer-
cised all their wisdom and patience. Then there was
the economic question, how to provide for the little
colonies that gathered around them, and how to teach
the Eskimos to provide for themselves. Added to these
was the great difficulty in keeping the spiritual apart
from the temporal. The Eskimos soon saw what was
required of them, and the desire for European goods
increasing in proportion to the supply, there was

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 271

great temptation to pretend to conversion and reforma-
tion.

The Missionaries had to be constantly on guard
against being deceived by their protestations. Long
periods of probation v/ere necessary before they could
be certain that the applicants were genuinely con-
verted.

It was not until 1776 that they finally adjudged a
man named Kingminguse to be worthy of baptism.
The ceremony was made as solemn and impressive as
possible, and both candidate and congregation were
much affected, and indeed quite overpowered.

A neighbour of Kingminguse at once professed his
anxiety to receive baptism also ; but another man
voiced the more general feeling when he declared
that he too believed very much, but what he wanted at
present was a knife.

Kingminguse was christened by the name of Peter,
and for a long time remained faithful to his vows, but
in 1789 he relapsed after a visit to the south. He took
to himself two or three wives, and when expostulated
with, declared that he required them to " man " his boat.
He finally left the Moravian settlement and went south,
and his ultimate fate is unknown.

The Brethren soon saw that one settlement would
not be sufficient for them to carry on their work to the
best advantage.

The Eskimos were in the habit of roving from place
to place on the coast, now north, now south, and from
the outer fringe of islands in the pursuit of seals to the
interior, where they sought caribou and salmon. It was
impossible for the Missionaries to follow them every-
where, although they attempted to do so, and wherever
the Eskimos got out of touch, it was found that they

2 72 LABRADOR

returned to their old habits and superstitions. For
these reasons other centres were established. A second
grant was obtained from the Privy Council in 1775,
which resulted in the founding of the settlement at
Okak, about 1 50 miles north of Nain ; and a third
grant in 1781, when the Mission of Hopedale was
started about 150 miles south of Nain,

Hitherto, the Missionaries in their endeavour to con-
vert the Eskimos had but to combat the superstitions
and habits of heathendom, but from now on their
anxieties and labours were greatly increased by the
gradual advance from the south of fishermen and
traders — French Canadians, West Countrymen, Ameri-
cans and Newfoundlanders. For the sake of their
trade the poor Eskimos were seduced with rum,
tobacco, and useless European goods. The temptation
to travel south in the summer was thus greatly in-
creased. The rule of the white trader was not so rigid
as that of the Moravians, and the goods he offered in
barter were more attractive.

Many of the most promising members of the Mora-
vians' congregations falling under this temptation re-
lapsed into their original barbarism, further darkened
by the vices of the white race.

The Brethren did their best to prevent this migration
south, and used, for them, quite bitter words on the
harmful influence of the white traders. For the first
fifteen years of the Mission, George Cartwright was the
principal trader on the coast, who it may be remem-
bered also claimed the credit of having civilized the
Eskimos. Of the Moravians, Cartwright said with a
sneer that he believed it was for the purpose of trade
they had come, and not to convert the heathen.

Among the unfortunate ones were Mikak and Tug-

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 273

lavina. After being largely instrumental in the peace-
ful establishment of the Missionaries and apparently
sincere converts, they unhappily made a voyage south
in 1783, when all their vows were forgotten. Poor
Mikak did not return to Nain until 1795, but a few days
before her death. She sent for the Missionaries and
expressed her deep sorrow for her misspent life and
broken promises, and received such comfort as was
possible. The vicissitudes of her life were certainly
extraordinary, and her experiences far beyond those of
any of her nation before and perhaps since. Tuglavina
was a man of very great influence among his people,
and after his relapse became a great thorn in the sides
of the Missionaries, inducing many of the better dis-
posed of the Eskimos to go south and to leave their
congregation. He was known to have committed
several murders, and to have instigated several more ; in
short, his life was evil even for an Eskimo. But even in
his dark and desperate nature the seeds of the Mora-
vians' teaching still lingered. About the time of
Mikak's death he also returned to Nain, and begged
again to be taken into the congregation. So far as
could be seen he was sincerely repentant and died
in 1799 in the odour of sanctity. "A singular object,"
says the Missionary diary, " of the mercy of the
Saviour, who followed him through all his perverse and
wicked ways with infinite patience and long suffering,
until at last He drew him to Himself"

There are few instances of greater self-sacrifice than
the lives of the Moravian Missionaries on the Labrador.
Yet there has never been any lack of volunteers anxious
to follow the example of Jens Haven. He, good man,
remained at his post until the infirmities of old age
compelled him to give up. He felt that if he remained

T

274 LABRADOR

he would become a burden to the little colony of Mis-
sionaries, and a hindrance rather than a help to the
work, whose advancement he so greatly desired, and he
therefore asked to be relieved. He was accordingly
retired to Herrnhut in 1786, after thirty years' service
in the work to which he had devoted himself. There
he spent his declining years happily and peacefully,
dying in 1794.

Labrador owes much to his devotion, piety, and
wisdom. It was at his instigation that the work was
begun, and he was the principal agent in carrying it on
through the trying and almost unproductive early years.
But for him the energies of the Moravian Church might
not have been turned to the requirements of the heathen
Eskimos on the Labrador, in which case, it is more than
probable, the race would have been long ago extinct.

At the beginning of the eighteenth century it was
estimated that there were 30,000 Eskimos in Labrador,
but I am inclined to think the number greatly over-
estimated. The early French settlers certainly saw
hundreds together in the Straits of Belle Isle at that
period, and therefore surmised that the whole coast was
peopled in like manner. But we have learned that the
southern journey each summer was an invariable cus-
tom, so that the numbers seen by the French were
probably the whole population from Hamilton Inlet
south. The four hundred Eskimos with whom Palliser
made peace at Chateau in 1764 w^ere no doubt the
remnants of the southern tribes. The Moravian Bre-
thren estimated that there were about 3000 Eskimos
on the coast at the beginning of their administrations.
This did not include those living within Hudson's
Straits, where they were thought to be in greater num-
bers than on the east coast.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 275

At the close of the eighteenth century, after thirty
years' of administration, the number of Eskimos living
on the Moravians' settlements were as follows : —

At Nain 63 persons, of whom 30 professed Christianity.

„ Hopedale 51 „ „ 33 »> »>

„ Okak 48 „ „ 22 „ „

This apparently small result for so many years of
devoted teaching shows the magnitude and difficulty of
the task. At this period twenty-six Missionaries were
employed in the work. The Amity, which conveyed
the first colony of Moravians to Labrador, continued to
make yearly trips without particular adventures under
the command of Captain Francis Mugford. In July,
1777, a sloop called the Good Intent was purchased, and
continued in service until 1780. This vessel was cap-
tured by the French on her homeward voyage in 1778,
but was retaken by an English cruiser. This event
caused the application to be made for a passport from
the French and Americans, which was readily given.
The latter document was furnished by Benjamin
Franklin, then minister from the United States at
the Court of France. It is dated April nth, 1779, and
is as follows : —

" To all Captains and Commanders of Vessels of
War, Privateers, and Letters of Marque belonging to
the United States Government of America.

" Gentlemen, — The Religious society commonly called
Moravian Brethren, having established a Mission on the
coast of Labrador for the conversion of the savages
there to the Christian religion, which has already had
good effects in turning them from their ancient practices
of surprising and plundering and murdering the white
people, Americans and Furopeans, who for the purposes

276 LABRADOR

of trade or fishery happened to come to the coast, and
persuading them to lead a new life of honest industry,
and to treat strangers with humanity and kindness,

" And it being necessary for the support of this useful
Mission, that a small vessel should go there every year
to furnish supplies and necessaries for the Missionaries
and their converts, which vessel for the present year is
a sloop of about seventy tons called the Good Intent,
whereof is master Captain Francis Mugford,

" This is to request you that if the said vessel should
happen to fall into your hands you would not suffer her
to be plundered or hindered in her voyage, but on the
contrary would afford her any assistance she may stand
in need of: wherein I am confident your conduct will
be approved by the Congress and your owners."

From 1780 to 1786 the Amity was again in com-
Mission, but in 1787 she was replaced by the first
Harmony, a vessel of 133 tons built especially for the
Mission, which remained in service until 1802.

In 1782 Captain Mugford vv^as succeeded by Captain
James Fraser.

Amongst the earliest works undertaken by the
Eskimo Brethren was the translation of the Scriptures
into the Eskimo language. As the translations were
finished they were printed in England and returned for
the use of the little congregations.

Schools were established very early and were always
most successful. Letters from Hopedale in 1797 state
that two Englishmen had come to settle near them, and
that one, William Watson, had arrived at their settlement
on January 27th, seeking to obtain supplies from them.
Seven other Europeans were reported in the neighbour-
hood, two of them having married Eskimo women. A
curious phenomenon was observed in the heavens on

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 277

three occasions during the winter of 1799. It consisted
of a vast quantity of inflammable matter in the air
which seemed to pour itself towards the earth in im-
mense fiery rays and balls. Probably some remarkable
variety of the aurora.

CHAPTER XIV

THE MORAVIAN BRETHRE'N— Continued

THE Moravian Brethren have often been very
harshly criticized because of the trade they car-
ried on in connection with their Missions on the
Labrador.

A study of the problems with which they were
confronted, however, must convince any unprejudiced
person of the injustice of these animadversions.

Trading was very unwillingly entered into. In the
very beginning, when Erhardt planned his disastrous
voyage, Count Zinzendorf strongly objected to trading
in the name of the Brethren ; and consequently the
commercial part of that venture was undertaken by the
London firm, Messrs. Nisbet, Grace, and Bell. When,
however, permanent establishments were about to be
made, it became apparent that trade in some sort would
have to be carried on. Hutton's reasons for this
decision have already been given in the account of the
negotiations with the Board of Trade. The icy fast-
nesses of Labrador were already being invaded by the
trader. From the beginning of the eighteenth century
the southern Eskimo tribes had been in the habit of
trading with the French fishermen and settlers in the
Straits of Belle Isle ; and the desire for European
goods, boats, utensils, weapons, food, and clothes v/as
already intense and must be gratified by fair means

278

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 279

or foul — generally the latter. We have already heard
of continual conflicts arising out of trading disputes,
always in the end resulting in the plunder and slaughter
cf the Eskimos. The practices of the traders of that
day were not humanitarian, and no idea of mutual
benefit entered into their calculations when trading
with the Eskimos. To obtain their goods at the
least possible expense was their sole aim, and rum and
tobacco soon became the chief articles given in exchange.
To preserve their flock from this contaminating in-
fluence was one of the greatest cares of the Brethren,
and to obviate any necessity for the intercourse their
own trade was established. It has also been pointed out
that the Eskimos were nomads, and if they were to be
civilized and instructed it was necessary for an attractive
central depot to be made where they could be gradually
collected and kept within touch. It is certain that had
not the Brethren established a trade for the benefit of
the Eskimo as well as for the support of the Mission,
their labours would have ended long ago. The
northern Eskimos would have flocked south, seeking
the wonderful new implements and food, and would
have shared the fate of the numerous tribes that once
inhabited the southern coast, but have been now long
extinct.

The trading interests have always been separated
as far as possible from the spiritual work. A Society
connected with the Moravian Church, known as the
" Brethrens' Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel
Among the Heathen," generally called the " London
Association," under the support of the Labrador Mission,
and a certain number of the members of this Society,
who were called the " Ship's Company," assumed the
trading enterprise, and continued to have the manage-

28o LABRADOR

ment of it until 1797. The terms upon which the
company managed the business have not been ascer-
tained.

After 1797, the " Society for the Furtherance of the
Gospel " took over the management of the trade. /

With all the unfavourable criticism this practice hss
caused, no one has yet charged the Society as a whole,
or any member of it, with having traded for their
personal advantage. The whole proceeds have been
devoted to the upkeep of the Mission, and have but
seldom been more than sufficient to defray the heavy
expenses incurred. On a few occasions it is reported
that the London Association had a surplus, which they
paid over to the General Synod for the benefit of the
Missions in general.

It has been no easy task for the Brethren to prevent
the trade from interfering with their spiritual work, and
it has often been the occasion of considerable dis-
satisfaction and jealousy among the Eskimos. To
maintain the trade on business principles, so that
industry and straight dealing should meet their due
reward, necessitated, on the other hand, a seeming hard-
ness to the lazy and careless, which the Eskimos
thought quite incompatible with the lessons of love and
pity taught by the spiritual end of the enterprise.

Every year since the inception of their Missions
the Moravian Brethren have published a report of
their work, carried on, not only in Labrador, but in
all parts of world. Letters from Missionaries, or por-
tions of their diaries, accompany each annual report,
and in the case of Labrador form a consecutive history
of the country. As is to be expected, their evangelical
work is their first concern and constitutes the bulk of
their reports, but in addition one finds invaluable

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 281

records of climatic conditions, of the supply of seals,
whales, codfish, etc., on the coast, caribou and fur-
bearing animals in the interior, and the consequent
effect on the Eskimos.

The following account of the work of the Brethren
is taken mainly from these reports.

The beginning of the nineteenth century found the
Moravian Missionaries firmly established on the northern
coast of Labrador, but their efforts at converting the
Eskimos had not met with marked success. The
superstitions of long ages were not easily rooted out
nor the customs easy to change, seeing that, how-
ever repugnant they were to civilized and Christian
ideas, many of them were still not unsuited to the
Eskimo manner of life. Their lack of success is a
continual plaint in the Missionaries diaries ; every back-
slider is wept over, and every convert joyfully acclaimed.
It was probably a result of the teaching of the children
in schools for nearly a generation that the first real
spiritual wakening became general. In 1801 it is
reported that many could read tolerably well, and the
first book printed in the Eskimo language, a history of
the Passion Week, was eagerly studied and read aloud
in their homes. Their love of music and singing was
very early noticed, and the singing of hymns became a
regular practice and delight to them. Later on they
were taught to play on instruments of various kinds,
and their musical capacity has been encouraged until
now they have both a brass and a string band which
perform quite acceptably.

It was in 1804-5 that the Missionaries first wrote
cheerfully of the spiritual condition of their flock.
One writes : " Thus the many prayers offered up and
tears shed by our brethren and sisters in Labrador, on

282 LABRADOR

account of the conversion of the Eskimo nation, begin
after thirty-four years to show their fruit." It was at
Hopedale that this encouraging condition of affairs
was first observed. "There," the Missionaries write,
" is at present a small congregation of believing
Eskimos, blooming like a beautiful rose." A some-
what unhappy choice of a simile. Many remarkable
instances of conversions are given, often of those
who had previously been the most opposed to the
teaching of the Brethren and most wedded to their
barbarous habits and superstitions. The effect of con-
version upon a noted Eskimo sorcerer is thus described :
" The ferocious and terrific countenance of this late
monster of iniquity, which made one tremble at his
appearance, is now converted into a mild and gentle
aspect ; the savage bear has become a gentle lamb."
The children were also remarkably affected, and at-
tended the schools with the greatest assiduity and
interest. The difficulty of providing for their con-
gregations, or rather of inculcating habits of industry
and economy so that the Eskimos could provide for
themselves, often prevented the heathen Eskimo from
joining them. A number of them came from. Nackvak
to Okak at this time and professed a willingness to be
taught, but pointed out to the Missionaries that if they
left their own country they would starve. The prob-
ability of which the Brethren could not deny.

The plurality of wives, which was a custom of the
Eskimos founded on economic principles, was a most
difficult problem for the Brethren. Apparently they
did not in every case at once insist upon its abandon-
ment, for an instance is recorded about this time of
the death of the two wives of one of their converts
within a very few hours of each other. The women

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 283

had not formally joined their congregation, but it was
hoped had not heard the Gospel in vain. There was a
curious sequel to the death of these two women. In
the neighbourhood was an Angekok, or sorcerer, who
was greatly feared by the Eskimos. In order to in-
crease his importance, he gave out that he had caused
their deaths — a rash boast, which at once caused him
to be attacked and killed by their husband. He richly
deserved his fate, for a short time before, when his wife
had died, he had barbarously murdered an orphan child
in some sort of heathen rite.

But, it is feared, the conversions were yet often very
superficial. A serious illness, an accident, or any mis-
fortune was as likely to turn converts back to their
heathenish practices as it was in the first instance to
bring them under the guidance of the Brethren. One
old man, Thomas, at whose conversion there had been
great rejoicing, being taken ill and suffering great pain,
abjured all his vows and sought relief in barbarous
incantations. " Indeed, during all last winter, his be-
haviour was very oppressive to his whole family, and
particularly to his two zuives, who are both communicants
and very worthy women" Which is quite an illuminating
little story. Plurality of wives is still a custom among
the heathen Eskimos of the far north, and, in the
opinion of recent travellers, cannot well be avoided.
(Voyage of the s.s. Neptune, 1907.)

In the early part of the century we hear first of the
advance of the white man upon the Moravian precincts.
Hitherto the Brethren had been occupied in preventing
their flock from going south, but now the dangerous and
contaminating white man were beginning to come to
them. The furriers were the pioneers ; the genuine
fishermen did not arrive until many years later. They

284 LABRADOR

seemed to have been independent men, not working for
the Hudson Bay Company, or any particular mercantile
concern. In many instances they married Eskimo
women, and settled permanently in the country, form-
ing the nucleus of the present white or mixed breed
population.

In 1802 the first Harmony was sold, and was replaced
by the brig Resolution, which continued in service until
1808. This vessel had an adventurous voyage back to
England in 1804, being twice pursued by a French
frigate, and only escaping by reason of the boisterous
weather which prevailed. European wars were naturally
of the greatest interest to the exiled Brethren, and
many are the prayers which went up from Labrador
that England should be spared from the invader. It is
amusing to find them congratulating themselves that
they live " on this barren coast and in the midst of
a savage nation in perfect peace and safety, and
experience none of those miseries which many of
the poor inhabitants of Europe suffer during the
war " ; and adding, " We wish your southern neigh-
bours, the French, were more like our Eskimos in
disposition."

During all these early years the Eskimos, and in a
lesser degree the Brethren themselves, seemed to be
living on the verge of starvation. Their food supply
was most precarious. Some years they had a super-
abundance of seals, and in others the quantity taken
would be entirely inadequate to their requirements.
The conditions of the ice seemed to have more to
do with the success of this fishery than anything
else.

The seals seemed to be always there, but often could
not be taken. In 1806 the Brethren introduced seal

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 285

nets, which were in use on the southern parts of the
coast, and by this means the supply was made more
regular. The Eskimos for a long time could not be
taught to catch codfish during the summer for their
winter sustenance, by which means starvation could
always have been avoided. They did not value the
codfish as food, and apparently the stronger seal flesh
was a necessity to their well being. For a number of
years the capture of from three to five whales, and the
finding of several more dead, upon the coast is reported
each season, but after 1830 there is very seldom any
mention of their having been taken or found. It would
be interesting to know what species of whale the
Eskimos could have killed from their kayaks, — pre-
sumably some of the smaller varieties. The dead
whales were no doubt drowned by being caught on the
shore side of immense fields of ice, which gave them no
opportunities for blowing.

When seals and whales were insufficient to support
them the Eskimos went in the spring to the trout pools,
where they were generally able to procure an abundant
supply of this fish ; but these often failed, and accounts
are given of whole families starving to death in these
localities. They also hunted caribou every spring, but
again were often unsuccessful. In some winters they
were able to take thousands of partridges, but in others
not a bird was seen. When the Eskimos were finally
induced to give some attention to the catching of
codfish, it was the practice of the Brethren to buy from
them such codfish as they caught in the summer, and
sell it to them again in the winter or spring when they
were most in want.

On January 21st, 1809, and for some days after,
severe shocks of earthquake were felt, and were said to

286 LABRADOR

have been general all down the coast. The extra-
ordinarily rapid rise of the land, amounting in some
places to ten or fifteen feet within the memory of
fishermen still going to the Labrador, would lead one
to suppose that earthquakes were of common occur-
rence. No damage or noticeable disturbance has ever
been recorded, however.^

The Preface to Volume V of the Moravian Reports,
1 8 10-13, contains the following information : —

" The vessel annually sent to the coast of Labrador
to convey provisions and keep up communication with
the Moravian Missionaries there, returns with skins,
bone, and oil, the sale of which in late years has almost
covered the expense of the voyage. In each settlement
a Brother, who understands the Eskimo language well,
is appointed to receive such goods as they bring in
barter for useful articles of various kinds, but the
Missionaries never go out to trade, which would inter-
fere too much with their proper calling."

In 181 1 the ship's homeward cargo consisted of 100
barrels of seal oil, 2000 seal skins, 2750 fox skins, the
value of which may have been $25,000 or more. This
is the only occasion in which the ship's cargo is given
in detail.

At the end of 18 10, the number of Eskimos living at
Hopedale was 145, at Nain 115, and at Okak 233. In
this year, it is noted, a remarkable quantity of codfish
visited the shores.

In 181 1, the Mission ship Jemima did not reach
Hopedale until September 9th, the coast being blocked

■' It is stated by a man who has been fishing at Holton Harbour for
thirty or forty years, that the spot where he used to moor his vessel is now
out of water.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 287

with ice until within a few days of her arrival. In
the next year, by way of contrast, she arrived on
July 5th, and was back in London on September 24th,

The Brethren Kohlmeister and Kmoch made a
boat voyage to Ungava Bay in 181 1 in order to
ascertain the number of Eskimos living there, and
the possibility of starting another station for their
benefit. A number of tribes were met with who re-
ceived the Missionaries well, and begged them to
return and settle, but it was recognized that the district
lay within the territory of the Hudson Bay Company,
whose permission would have to be obtained before a
station could be started. Brother Kohlmeister heard
two or three years afterwards that about three hundred
Eskimos assembled at the Koksoak river the next
summer expecting him to return, which he was never
able to do.

The year 18 16 was a very remarkable one. The
Reports say : —

" As in almost every part of Europe, so in Labrador,
the elements seem to have undergone some sort of
revolution during the course of the last summer. The
ships arrived in the drift ice on July i6th, when two
hundred miles from the Labrador coast. Captain
Eraser attempted to get in first at Hopedale, then at
Nain, and finally at Okak, which he did not succeed in
reaching before August 20th. The very next day the
whole coast as far as the eye could see was choked up
with ice. Captain Eraser was unable to get to Nain
until September 22nd, and left there on October 22nd
for Hopedale; but it came on to blow exceedingly hard,
with an immense fall of snow, and the ship was in
imminent danger of being driven on the rocks. Seeing
that every attempt to reach Hopedale was in vain.

288 LABRADOR

Captain Fraser was at last forced to bear away for
England."

This was the first occasion since the founding of the
Mission that the ship had failed to visit all their
stations. In 1817 the same conditions prevailed.
Captain Fraser reported : —

" That though for three years past they have met
with an unusual quantity of ice on the coast of
Labrador, yet in no year since the beginning of the
Mission has it appeared so dreadfully on the increase.
The colour of this year's ice was different to that usually
seen, and the size of the ice mountains and thickness of
the fields immense, with sandstone embedded in them.
As a great part of the coast of Greenland, which has
been for centuries choked up with ice apparently
immovable, has by some revolution been cleared, this
may perhaps account for the great quantity alluded to."

The Brethren note from Hopedale that the coast was
beset with ice as far as the eye could see on August 7th,
and from Okak they write : " The ice did not leave our
bay until July 28th, which is considerably later than has
been known since the beginning of the Mission."

These peculiar ice conditions on the Labrador and
Greenland coasts caused a great deal of discussion in
scientific circles at that period. In spite of the
apparently unfavourable season, the Eskimos were well
supplied with food, having taken considerably above
the average number of seals.

In the following year the Jemima arrived at Hope-
dale on August 4th, after a slow but favourable passage,
without meeting any ice at all By the middle of June
all ice and snow had disappeared at Hopedale, and
garden work was in good swing.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 289

The new ship Harmony, the second of that name,
started on her long career in 18 19.

We learn from the report of that year that the
" Society for the Furtherance of the Gospel " had been
enabled, by means of the barter trade, to take the
whole charge of the maintenance of the Labrador
Missions off the hands of the Synodal Committee, and
likewise on some occasions to contribute to the wants
of other Missions.

In the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of the
Mission at Nain, the number of Eskimos living at the
various stations was : At Hopedale 149, Nain 168, and
Okak 255, marking a slow but steady progress in the
work of evangelization.

The spirit which animated the Missionaries cannot be
better indicated than by the following letter written by
Brother Schmittman from Nain in 18 19: —

" It seems that I am not to see you again in this world,
for you will hear that on July 12th last I was seized
with a paralytic stroke, by which, no doubt, God would
give me to understand that I should not return to
Europe, as was intended, but that He intended to call
me from hence and perhaps soon into His everlasting
kingdom. This would be quite according to my heart's
desire, and I shall gladly lay down my mortal body to
rest near the grave of my dear first wife and children,
and those of my Eskimo brethren and sisters, whom I
have now had the favour to serve for thirty-eight years."

It was not, however, until five years later that this
faithful servant of the Lord was finally called to rest,
his last years being busily employed in translating
portions of Scripture, hymns, etc., into the Eskimo
language.

290 LABRADOR

In most cases the Brethren spend the whole active
portion of their lives on the coast. They go out there
as young men, wives are sent out to them when they
wish to marry, and strangely enough these unions seem
to have been invariably happy. Their children, when
they survive the rigorous climate, are sent home to
school, and often never see their parents again. Their
pay begins at ;£'ii a year for an unmarried Missionary,
and increases, if they marry, to £2^, out of which they
have to find their clothes, breakfasts, and small
necessaries ; they collect no fees. Truly it cannot be
for any reward on this earth that they have laboured,
and still labour, in one of the most rigorous climates of
the world, cut off from all that seems to make life worth
living, without public recognition and the consequent
feeling that their good actions are known and appre-
ciated. Self-abnegation can hardly go further ; and
nothing but the strongest sense of duty and the deepest
piety can have enabled them one after the other, for
one hundred and thirty-seven years, to carry on their
great and noble work on the Labrador.

The fiftieth anniversary of the settlement at Nain
was very appropriately celebrated by the visit paid
them by Captain William Martin in H.M.S. Clinkej;
acting under instructions from Sir Charles Hamilton,
Governor of Newfoundland, this being the first official
visit or investigation in any shape or form made by
the Government since 1773. Captain Martin appears
to have been extremely interested in all that he saw,
and to have expressed his entire satisfaction and
approval of the work accomplished by the Brethren.
They, on their part, were highly pleased and flattered
at the visit ; and as for the Eskimos their wonder and
delight knew no bounds. Captain Martin entertained

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 291

them on board his ship, regaling them with peas and
biscuits, fired off the ship's guns, and at night displayed
a number of blue lights for their amusement. Sir
Charles Hamilton was very much interested in the
aboriginal races of the countries under his command.
At this time Mary March, one of the last of the un-
fortunate Beothuks, was brought to St. John's, and
greater efforts were made to communicate with and
save the remnants of that race, alas ! too late to be of
any avail.

Captain Martin's voyage seems to have been largely
for the purpose of investigating the conditions of the
Indian races, for we find that in this same voyage he
went to the head of Hamilton Inlet (which he named
after Sir C. Hamilton), and from thence ascended the
river for some fifty miles for the purpose of meeting
with the Indians resorting there. (See page 448.)

A notable incident in 1822 was the arrival of the
first American fishing vessel at Hopedale, but the
name of this pioneer is unfortunately not given. Upon
receipt of Captain Martin's report of his visit to the
Moravian settlements. Sir Charles Hamilton forwarded
to the Brethren a grant of land for their fourth settle-
ment. An Order in Council had been passed on
May 13th, 181 8, authorizing the grant, but for some
reason or other it had not been issued. The pro-
clamation accompanying the grant reads in part as
follows : —

" Whereas His Royal Highness the Prince Regent in
Council, May 13th, 18 18, was graciously pleased to
authorize that every facility should be given to the
Moravians in Labrador for extending the beneficial
influence which they have had upon the character of the
Native Indians and for spreading still further the bene-

292 LABRADOR

fits of the Gospel, and to that end to permit and allow
the Society of the Unitas Fratrum to form a fourth
settlement on the eastern coast of Labrador, and to
occupy during His Majesty's pleasure that part of the
said coast to the north of Okak, which comprehending
the bays of Kangershutsoak and Saglek reached the
59th degree of North Latitude, provided that the
sports chosen by the said society for its settlement
may be such as in no way to interrupt or annoy
the fisheries carried on upon the said eastern coast of
Labrador."

This comprises a strip of coast about one hundred
miles in length, not including the great bays which are
twenty to thirty miles deep. It is not clear what this
grant was intended to convey. The other grants were
for specified blocks of land ; this apparently is length
without breadth. Like the preceding grants, it is quali-
fied by a clause safeguarding the interests of the
fishermen.

Brother Kohlmeister retired in 1824 after thirty-four
years' service, during five of which he had been in con-
trol of all the settlements. He reported that Nain and
Hopedale were practically Christian settlements, all the
inhabitants being baptized and no heathens living in
neighbourhood, but that Okak was still a mission
among the heathen, a great number of Eskimos from
the far north and Ungava Bay regularly resorting
there.

In 1825 the Eskimos were visited with a peculiar
disorder, the symptoms being violent vomiting and
profuse sweats. The Brethren were quite unable to
diagnose it or treat it successfully, and a large proportion
of deaths resulted.

After the Harmony left Hopedale this season the

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 293

Brethren were afforded another opportunity to write to
their friends at home. A gentleman from Newfound-
land, Mr. Cozens, paid them a visit in his schooner,
having been into Hamilton Inlet to convey a Methodist
Missionary, who intended settling there. This is the
first mention of a Newfoundland schooner on that part
of the coast.

In 1828 all the settlements were scourged by an
epidemic of measles, which proved particularly fatal to
the unfortunate Eskimos, twenty-one dying at Nain
and eleven at Hopedale ; the number of deaths at
Okak and among the heathen is not given. In that
year there were living —

At Okak . . . 394 persons.

„ Nain . . .232 „

„ Hopedale • .176 ,,

Okak was gladdened this year by the present of an
organ. This venerable instrument was the same which
assisted the devotions of the Missionaries when they
first established themselves at Herrnhut in 1724. The
Eskimos, who are passionately fond of music and for-
tunately not very critical, were greatly delighted with it.

Preparations were begun in 1829 for the establish-
ment of a fourth settlement, which became known as
Hebron. It had been authorized by the grant of 18 18,
but the building had been unavoidably postponed from
year to year. The timber for the building was prepared
at the other stations, and the Harmony, with another
vessel, the Oliver, took out building material and sup-
plies direct from England, but it required six years of
arduous labour on the part of the Brethren before all
the buildings were completed. Very little help could
be obtained from the Eskimos. They were very friendly

294 LABRADOR

and assisted at odd times, but could not be induced to
work regularly. Steady labour for a day's pay had not
yet entered into their scheme of economy. This station
at once took the place which had been occupied by
Okak, and became the chief point of contact with the
heathen Eskimos. All the trials and disappointments
of the early days had to be again endured. But few
of the newcomers could be brought to listen to the
Gospel tidings, and many openly mocked. They were,
as usual, greatly delighted by the music, but evinced
a desire to dance to the hymn tunes, to the great
scandal of the Brethren. One man, who had two wives,
being asked if he thought both of them would accom-
pany him into another world, misunderstood the pur-
port of the question, and naively replied, " Oh, yes ; for
I have improved them greatly, and taught them to live
in peace with one another."

They were visited for the first time in 1830 by Capt.
Patterson, Judge of the Labrador Court. This court,
which was first held in 1826, was discontinued in 1833,
as it was found that there was not sufficient business
to warrant the great expense.

In 1834 Harmony III was built at a cost of
^^3662 i6s. 2d., less ;^I250 received for the old ship.
Fortunately the cargoes brought back by the ship in
1834 and 1835 were of greater value than usual, and the
heavy expense of the new ship and station was
apparently wiped out, as no further mention is made
of them : 1836 was another year when ice stayed on
the coast in a solid jam until the beginning of August.
The character of the ice was also remarkable, being
described as bottom ice of great thickness either wholly
or partially concealed beneath a covering of water, too
shallow to allow a vessel to pass over with safety. At

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 295

the close of 1835 the number of Eskimos living at
each station was —

At Hopedaie . . . 194

„ Nain . . . . 278

„ Okak . . . . 251

„ Hebron . . , . 148

As seems so often to happen, after a year of much ice
succeeded a year of very little, the Harmony reporting
in 1837 that she had met with no drift ice and was
consequently able to get into Hopedaie on July 13th.
It had been a very hard year on the coast. Very few
seals had been taken and the stock of codfish was very
small, the Eskimos as usual having neglected to make
provision for the winter. At Okak and Hebron they
were reduced to the verge of starvation, and several
deaths from this cause occurred in the immediate
neighbourhood, although out of reach of the Brethren.
The distress was very greatly intensified by a distemper
among the dogs, which caused the death of about
90 per cent, of these useful animals.

On November 30th, 1836, a smart shock of an earth-
quake was felt at Hopedaie, attended by a sudden and
unusual warmth of temperature. On January 24th,
1837, a remarkable atmospheric phenomenon excited
all beholders. A brilliant light appeared in the north
as if an immense city like London were in flames,
approaching in brightness that of the sun ; afterwards
it seemed to diffuse itself in a fiery red glow over the
eastern quarter of the heavens, whence it moved on-
ward south, then west, and became so intense that the
snow assumed a perfectly red colour. This singular
phenomenon had but little resemblance to the " Aurora
Borealis." It will be remembered that another extra-

296 LABRADOR

ordinary atmospheric phenomenon was recorded in
1799.

The Harmony was treated to a most unusual experi-
ence in 1838, for the ocean was entirely free from ice,
and the Missionaries reported the coast had been clear
for some time before her arrival. This and the years
1839-40 were prosperous and uneventful. Moderate
seasons, abundance of food, and a steady progress to-
wards civilization on the part of the Eskimos, is the
satisfactory intelligence derived from the reports of
the Missionaries. Except that a plague of mice one
summer devoured their crops (which was pretty hard
luck after they had withstood the rigours of the climate),
and the steady approach of the southlander traders,
the Brethren had little to complain of.

The number of Eskimos at the different stations
in 1840 was —

At Hopedale . . . 205

„ Nain . . . . 298

„ Okak .... 352

J, Hebron . . . . 179

1034 in all.

The Eskimos at this period are reported to have
largely deserted the coast north of Hebron and to
have gone to Ungava.

Ill 1842 a malignant influenza raged among both
Europeans and Eskimos, many deaths resulting. It
was a lean year, and the Eskimos often felt the pinch of
hunger. There was a great scarcity of seals, caused,
the Eskimos said, by an exceedingly great quantity of
sword-fish which infested the coast and chased away the
seals, besides being very dangerous to themselves. The
cargo of the Harmony was not sufficient to pay expenses.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 297

In 1843 there was a complete reversal of this gloomy
state of affairs. The Harmony m.ade the quickest round
trip on record, bringing back a very valuable cargo,
which happened in good time as they had just been
obliged to spend ^^"1500 on repairs to the ship. An
incident occurred in 1844 which marked, as perhaps
nothing else could, the advance v/hich had been made
by the Eskimos towards civilization. A band of Indians,
belonging either to the Nascopee or Montaignais tribes,
appea.red at Hopedale in great distress for want of
provisions. Time was when the Eskimos would have
exterminated them, one and all, but now they received
them with every indication of friendliness and hospi-
tality, took them into their houses and supplied them
with food, although they themselves were on short
commons at the time. The Brethren learned that these
Indians had been baptized by Roman Catholic Mission-
aries on the south coast of Labrador.

The Brethren made an interesting experiment about
this time, having obtained from the Himalayas and
Thibet seeds of barley and other grains, as well as of
pines and cedars, which flourish in those elevated
latitudes. The climate of Labrador was too much for
them however. The barley came up, but v/as cut down
by frost before it had attained much growth, while the
forest tree seeds did not even germinate.

1846 was another lean year on Labrador, particularly
at Nain, caused by a total failure of the seal fishery
and the neglect of the cod fishery. There were many
deaths from starvation in the neighbourhood of the
Brethren, but of course none at their stations. The
report for 1847 says: —

" Food and raiment, health and strength, were largely
bestowed upon the members of our several congrega-

298 LABRADOR

tions ; to their households want was almost a stranger,
neither did any plague come nigh their dwellings."

But another visitor appeared on the coast — the fabu-
lous " Kraaken." Some Eskimos reported having seen
near to Cape Mugford a terrible monster, whose arms
protruded out of the water at a distance of a hundred
paces, and that its voice was harsh and terrifying, like
low thunder. They hastened to the Missionaries with
their tale, who had no difficulty in deciding that it was
the giant octopus which had so frightened the Eskimos.
This fearsome creature has several times been seen on
these coasts.

At the close of the year 1850 there were 1297 Eskimos
living at the settlements —

At Nain . . . , 314

55 Okak .... 408

„ Hopedale . . . 229

„ Hebron .... 346

The voyage of the Harmony in 185 1 was reckoned
the most stormy for twenty years; ice was met 350
miles off the coast, which with dense fog and storms
of wind caused the ship to be often in extreme danger.
On her return voyage she took Brother Beck and his
wife to seek a well-earned repose after thirty-four years'
service on the Labrador. He was born in Greenland,
where his father had laboured as a Missionary for fifty-
three years and his grandfather for forty-three years'
There are several other instances among the Moravians
of the Missionary role being handed on from father and
son through several generations.

One of the most serious calamities which ever befell
the Missions took place in 1853, when the Harmony,
after reaching Hopedale, was blown off the coast by a

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 299

violent north-west gale, and in spite of long-continued
efforts was forced to abandon the voyage to the other
settlements. It was always the policy of the Brethren
to keep a year's supply ahead of all necessaries, fearing
some such contingency as this. But it was a hard
experience. The Eskimos had had a poor season, and
the Brethren could not afford them much assistance
from the stores, which were quite out of biscuit, meal,
and pease, before the Harmony again arrived. They
obtained a small supply of these articles from the
nearest Hudson Bay Company's post by giving in
exchange the skin boots made by the Eskimos, for
which a considerable demand had sprung up in the
south.i

From Hopedale we get the following interesting
item : —

" Mr. Smith, the director of the factories belonging
to the H. B. Co., called upon us in reference to the
establishment of a Mission at Gross Water Bay. He
took a quantity of English Bibles and Testaments from
hence with him so that our supply is exhausted."^

In 1855 the Harmony fell in with quantities of drift
ice 250 miles from the coast. The winter had been
very severe, but an unwonted measure of prosperity
had been experienced. An abundance of seal and cod-
fish had been taken and a large quantity of fur collected,
so that the return cargo of the Harmony was one of the
most valuable on record, and not only paid the expenses

^ This excellent footwear is still in great demand among fishermen and
lumbermen, being light and quite waterproof if somewhat odoriferous.

" That Mr. Smith, now Lord Strathcona, should fifty-five years later
be still hale and hearty, and living a life of activity and importance as
High Commissioner for Canada in England, is very remarkable. His
benefactions are world-wide, but especially has he contributed to the
support of the Deep Sea Mission work on the Labrador.

300 LABRADOR

of the Missions, but left a surplus which was devoted to
the general Mission fund.

Sad news was received from the Labrador on the
following year. Famine and disease again visited the
coast, especially at the two northern stations. Im.mense
masses of ice remained on the coast until late in the
summer of 1855, and very small quantities of cod could
be taken. The following autumn and spring the seal
hunt was a failure, so that both the Brethren and their
flock were at the end of their resources. At Hebron
fifty-nine people died of disease.

The following season, 1856-7, was, as so often seems
to happen, a complete contrast to the preceding year.
An abundance of seals and cod gladdened the hearts
and fattened the bodies of the Eskimos.

Earthquake shocks were again noted at Hebron in

1857.

In pursuance of an invitation given by Mr. Donald
Smith, Brother Eisner left Hopedale in April, 1857,
and journeyed to North-West River to discuss with him
the advisability of starting a Mission either there or at
Rigolet. After a hard journey of five days he reached
Mr. Smith's comfortable and hospitable dwelling. He
was delighted with the country and the appearance
of the settlement. Mr. Smith had four head of cattle,
besides sheep, goats, and fowls ; there was milk in
plenty, and for the first time on Labrador he tasted
fresh roast beef, mutton, and pork.

Mr. Smith's proposal was an enticing one. While not
fully authorized by the Hudson Bay Company, he
suggested that they would build a church and dwelling-
house, and pay a Missionary ;^ioo a year, which v^^ould
have been affluence to the Moravians, whose yearly
stipend was ;^22.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 30I

There were very few settlers in the neighbourhood,

and the Indians who visited the post professed the
Roman Cathohc religion. On Sunday Mr. Smith read
service to his household, which was attended by about
thirt}^ Indians, although they couid not understand a
word of what was being said. Brother Eisner reports
that " they were very fond of rum, but get it only in
small quantities as presents, the sale of spirits to the
Indians being prohibited by law." ^

At Rigolet Brother Eisner found a very small com-
munity, and in all Hamilton Inlet there were but thirty-
one families, ten of which were Eskimos. After a
thorough discussion the Moravians decided that it would
be impossible for them to undertake this new field of
work. Mr. Smith's attitude to the Moravians was very
different from the later policy of the Hudson Bay Com-
pany. We shall hear soon of a very aggressive and
annoying competition forced upon the Brethren by the
Company, who apparently aimed at engrossing the whole
Labrador trade.

In 1859 the dogs were again attacked by the dis-
temper which periodically visits the Labrador. The
cause of this mysterious disease has not been ascer-
tained. It seems to be rather infectious than contagious,
for it breaks out simultaneously all over the coast, at
places very widely separated and with no communi-
cation. The dogs in Ungava Bay were afflicted at the
same time as those in Hopedale. It not only attacked
the dogs, but the wolves, foxes, and even the caribou

^ This has been and still is a very serious question. John McLean,
writing in 1849, says of York P'actory, Hudson's Bay : — " To find the
Company serving out rum to the natives as payment for their services in
this remote quarter, created the utmost surprise in my mind. No excuse
can be advanced which can justify the unhallowed practice." It is feared
that it is not yet at an end.

302 LABRADOR

died in vast numbers from the same disease. We seem
to know very little about the various pestilences to
which wild animal life is subject, and less about the
strange migrations and changes of habit which have
been so often noted. Reading over these Moravian
annals one finds many curious and unexplained
phenomena of this kind. In some seasons there were
immense quantities of willow grouse taken and then
none. The caribou and foxes were equally intermit-
tent in their visits, not to mention the seals and cod-
fish. The strange disappearance within the past fifteen
years of the vast flights of curlew which had annually
visited Labrador ever since the country has been
known; and in Newfoundland in 1904-5, the strange
disease which attacked the rabbits and caused them
to die in thousands. All are so far inexplicable, and
demand investigation by the student of natural his-
tory.

In i860 the number of Eskimos at the stations
was as follows : —

At Nain . . . . 277

„ Hopedale . . . 241

,, Okak . . . . 314

„ Hebron .... 306

The fourth Harmony was launched in 1861 ; a larger
vessel than her predecessor, which had braved the storms
and ice of Labrador for twenty-nine years. The London
Association found themselves able to pay for her with-
out calling for special contributions. The same report
says that for many years past no demand had been
made upon the Treasury for the support of the work in
Labrador, South Africa, or Surinam.

The monotony of life on Labrador was occasionally

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 303

varied by the arrival of chance visitors. On two occa-
sions American whalers wintered on the coast near the
settlements. One of these vessels was very badly
damaged, but by the assistance of the Brethren was
put into a seaworthy condition. The spiritual condition
of the captain also caused them much concern, as it
seemed to be in as much need of repairs as his ship.
In 1 86 1 there swam into their horizon a boat's crew of
runaway sailors from an American whaler in Cumber-
land Inlet. Captain C. F. Hall mentions their de-
parture from that bay. The boat then contained nine
persons ; when they arrived at Okak there were six,
and they had no hesitation in confessing that they
had eaten their missing comrades, who they said had
died. They were a desperate gang, and showed no
gratitude for the kindness they received, their last
act being to rob the Eskimos who showed them on
their way.

An interesting report on the stations is submitted by
Brother Reichel, who had been sent by the General
Synod to investigate the condition of affairs. He esti-
mates that there were about 1500 Eskimos living on the
Labrador, of whom 1163 were under the influence of
the Brethren, if not actually converted. At New Year
they assemble at the Mission stations and occupy
themselves in the capture of partridges and foxes. In
February they go to the edge of the ice to take seals,
but always make a point of returning for the services
of Passion Week. After Easter they go inland to hunt
caribou. In June they collect eggs from the islands,
after which the cod fishing soon begins, and lasts until
September. From October to the end of the year they
give their attention principally to the taking of seals in
nets, which forms their chief supply of food during the

304 LABRADOR

winter. But very few Eskimo families were then con-
tent with the food which had satisfied their ancestors.
Molasses, sugar, biscuits, and other European food had
become almost a necessity, and were obtained princi-
pally from the Newfoundland fishing schooners or
traders. They had given up the practice of harpooning
seals or taking sea birds by means of darts, at which
they had been so marvellously expert, and used fire-
arms instead, which was more expensive and considered
by the Brethren to be rather retrograde.

The steady advance of the Newfoundland fishing
and trading schooners was a continued anxiety to the
Brethren. Besides supplying their flocks with useless
European goods and intoxicating liquors, they usurped
the fishing stations which had been used by the
Eskimos. When the schooners first appeared on the
coast the Eskimos were usually away sealing, and when
they returned they would find their places occupied.
Six vessels fished at Hopedale during the summer of
1863, and were first reported at Hebron in the same
year. Twenty-five vessels touched at Hopedale in
1866, 108 in 1 868, and in 1870 over 500 passed north,
145 being counted in one day. The Brethren at once
began to minister to the spiritual needs of this large
floating population, and an English-speaking Brother
was sent out for this special service. The men are
reported as being generally very well behaved and
apparently appreciating the endeavour to serve them.
Over three hundred attended a special service held for
them in 1868.

In 1863-4 serious epidemics visited the Eskimos and
caused the death of large numbers of them, and in 1868
the " loss of sense " disease again attacked the dogs.
The station at Zoar was begun in 1865, and it had

j£i- • :■: __ - ?,trL^

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 305

been decided to start yet another small station north of
Hebron, and Saglek Bay had been chosen and a house
and store built there. But in the following summer the
Hudson Bay Company located an agent there, so it was
resolved to leave him in undisputed possession and
move farther north to meet the heathen Eskimos.
Nachvak Bay was then selected and a house erected
there, but again an agent of the Hudson Bay Company
was sent to compete for the Eskimo trade, and the
Moravian Brethren again beat a retreat. This compe-
tition with the Hudson Bay Company was most trying
to the Brethren. There can be no question as to whose
influence was the better for the Eskimos. The result
is, alas ! all too plain to-day, for at Nachvak is living
the pitiful remnant of a tribe of Eskimos steeped in
barbarism and vice.

John McLean, whose book, Twenty-five Years in the
Hudson Bay Company s Service, was published in 1849,
is very frank in describing the disastrous results of the
Company's trade to the Indian tribes. His praise of the
work of the Moravian Brethren is as unqualified as is
his condemnation of that of his own Company, in respect
to which he quotes the old adage, " The more the divil
has the more he wants."

The hundredth voyage of the Moravians' ship, success-
fully performed to and from Labrador, was naturally the
occasion of much rejoicing. A pamphlet published by
the Brethren in commemoration of the event briefly
gives the history of the ships and their captains,
and furnishes a story unique in the annals of com-
merce. They never lost a ship, nor failed to reach the
Labrador in spite of ice, fog, storms, and an entirely
uncharted coast. It is worthy of note that a much
lower premium of insurance is paid on the Brethren's

X

3o6 LABRADOR

ships than on any other vessels employed in similar
businesses.

In 1 870-1 the coast remained blocked with ice until
very late in July, so that the take of codfish both by the
Eskimos and Newfoundland fishing vessels was very
small. This seemed to be quite a set-back for the latter,
for very few schooners, comparatively, went north in
1872. In this year the Brethren began to send their
catch of codfish to St, John's for sale, as it had been
very difficult to dispose of it in London. The usual
food supply was very short in the winter of 1871, and
there would have been great distress had there not
been an extraordinary number of partridges (willow
grouse) taken, A change from the ordinary diet which
would have been very gladly made by anyone not an
Eskimo.

In 1 87 1 the most northern station of the Brethren
was built at Ramah. For the next . few years life
flowed along very smoothly at the Moravian Mission
stations. In 1874, at Nain, there was considerable
dissatisfaction among the Eskimos over their trade
dealings at the Brethren's store, but the trouble soon
blew over.

The ice lay on the coast in 1875 until late in July,
and Hopedale reports hundreds of Newfoundland
schooners lying outside the ice waiting to get into
shore to begin fishing operations. When they were
finally able to commence fishing they met with great
success.

In 1876 the poor Eskimos were again ravaged by a
cwt/zsed disease, the whooping cough, and over a hundred
died out of a population of twelve hundred. Brother
Reichel, whose report on the stations in 1861 has been
noticed, again made a tour of inspection in 1876. The

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 307

comparisons he makes are very interesting. He reports
the spiritual condition of the Eskimos as vastly im-
proved. The advent of so many fishing schooners to
their neighbourhood seeking the cod, trout, and salmon,
which the Eskimos had despised and rejected, instigated
quite a feeling of rivalry, and they very soon became
much more industrious. By this means they were
able to improve their condition greatly. The snow-
houses and tents had given place to blockhouses after
the European plan. They had also largely abandoned
their sealskin clothes, reserving those characteristic cos-
tumes for Sundays and state occasions, which was a
decided change for the worse. As was also the increased
use of European food.

During the period 1861-76 the number of boats had
increased from 117 to 237; the "umiaks," or women's
boats, had decreased from 14 to 4 ; and the kayaks
from 214 to 154; while the number of dogs had in-
creased from 222 to 716.

There were still a number of heathen Eskimos from
Ungava Bay regularly visiting Ramah, but efforts to
convert them were long ineffectual. One man replied,
when urged to join their congregation, that he had
already greatly improved his way of living, for had
he not refrained from killing a man zvho had offended
him ? A negative virtue which caused him much self-
congratulation, and doubtless represented considerable
self-command.

In 1877 the Brethren were afforded the luxury of a
steam-launch to ply between their stations. The credit
system had been so much abused at the stores that more
stringent rules had to be enforced, and credit refused to
those Eskimos v^^ho made no effort to pay their debts.
This nearly bred a riot, but after a while the Eskimos

3o8 LABRADOR

admitted that the new rules were founded in justice,
and for a time the trade v^^as conducted on a better
basis.

The year 1901 was a sort of Jubilee year, when
debts were cancelled, and the Eskimos started on a
clean sheet. The Newfoundland fishing schooners are
first reported at Ramah in this year.

A good many complaints are made from all the
stations about this time of the conduct of some of the
Newfoundland fishermen in appropriating such property
of the Eskimos as they took a fancy to. Such valuable
property as boats, nets, ropes, and anchors were stolen
without any thought of the inconvenience, not to say
irreparable loss, inflicted upon the Eskimos, Immunity
from punishment is a great temptation ; and there was
no governmental control, not even a policeman on this
enormous tract of coast, to protect the weak from the
strong. From the time of Palliser the only method
of government has been by proclamation, and in this
instance it was the only means taken to protect the
Eskimos from their lawless visitors.

In 1879 we note the following entry : —

" That our request to be provided with something
like security in the matter of our civil rights as
German citizens has been met by the appointment
of Brother Bourquin, our president, to the office
of Consul of the German Empire for Labrador, was
a matter of no little interest to us, and we desire to
express our thanks to the Brethren in London for their
successful efforts on our behalf"

In 1880 it is stated that the cargo of the Harmo7iy
might reasonably be expected to defray the entire cost
of the Labrador Missions. The number of Eskimos

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN

309

and settlers in the Moravian congregations was 1302,
distributed as follows : —

Hebron

202

Hopedale

315

Nain .

282

Okak .

329

Ramah

44

Zoar

130

In this year we have to note an incident which has
occurred on several occasions since, each time with
dire consequences not only to the Eskimos particularly
concerned, but also to the whole community.

From time immemorial civilized nations have been
possessed with a desire to see savage people. Shake-
speare notes this curiosity when he makes Trinculo say,
" When they will not give a doit to relieve a lame
beggar, they will lay out ten to see a dead Indian."

The Eskimos have been particular objects of curiosity
ever since the discovery of the New World, and have
been often taken to England and exhibited. But
latterly this species of show has become a regular
business, and at every great Exposition remote and
curious people from all parts of the world have been
exhibited.

On the occasion referred to now, Hagenbeck, the
well-known wild animal exhibitor of Hamburg, sent
to Labrador and induced eight Eskimo men, women,
and children to go to Europe for exhibition purposes.
The Brethren at once saw the probable evil con-
sequences, and used all their persuasive powers to
prevent them from going. But the attraction of good
pay, easily earned, outweighed the warnings of the
Missionaries. Their forebodings were only too quickly

3IO LABRADOR

realized. After appearing at the Zoological Gardens
in Berlin for a few months, they toured through
Germany, and finally reached Paris. Here they con-
tracted small-pox, and all died. It was almost exactly
a hundred years before that Cartwright's Eskimo friends
met with a similar fate in England.

The following piteous letter was written by the chief
man among this little band of exiles to one of the
Brethren : —

" Paris, Jamtary 8th, 1881.

"My dear teacher Elsner,

" I write to you very sadly, and am much troubled
about my relatives, for my child which I was so fond
of lives no more ; she has died of the bad small-pox,
after being for four days only ill. By our child's death
my wife and I are strongly reminded that we too must
die. It died in Crefeld, although many doctors saw it.
These men can indeed do nothing, so we will above all
look to Jesus, who died for us, as our Physician. My
dear teacher Eisner, we kneel daily before Him, and
ask Him to pardon us for coming over here ; and
do not doubt that He will hear our prayer. Every
day we weep together for the pardon of our sins
through our Lord Jesus Christ. Even Terrianiak,
who is now alone [his wife and child had died], when
I speak to him about conversion, tells me — I think
with sincerity — he desires to become our Saviour's
property. He joins us daily at prayers, as also our
little Maria. But her life is in danger, for her face
is much swollen. Tobias is very ill. I remember
that Jesus alone can help us in the hour of death.
Yes, indeed. He is with us everywhere. I wish I
could tell my people beyond the sea how kind the

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 311

Lord is. Our master buys much medicine for us,
but all seems useless. I hope in the Lord, who sees
my tears daily. I care not for worldly advantage ;
but I do long to see my friends once more, and, as
long as I live, to speak to them in the name of the
Lord. I did not formerly understand these things ;
now I do. My tears come often, but the words which
He has spoken always bring me fresh comfort. My
dear teacher Eisner, pray for us that this sickness be
removed, if it be His will ; but His will be done. I
am a poor man like the dust.

" It is very cold in Paris, but our master is now very
kind to all of us. I salute you, so does my wife ; and
with you the members of the church at Bremen. Tell
the great teachers [the Directing Board] that we salute
them very much. The Lord be with you all. Amen.

" I am, Abraham, husband of Ulrika."

Such was the sad fate of these poor creatures,
" butchered to make a Roman holiday."

It was fortunate perhaps that there were no survivors
to take back disease and death to their friends, as did
poor Kaubvick in Cartwright's time, and as has been
done in a more serious way since.

In 1893 3- colony of Eskimos, consisting of fifty-
seven men, women, and children, were taken to the
Chicago Exposition. They were recruited principally
from southern Labrador, but some few went from the
Moravians' stations. Of their adventures in Chicago
little has been learned, but at the end of the Exposition
the survivors were returned to Newfoundland, in an
absolutely destitute condition, at the expense of the
colony. The money due to them was never paid. A
schooner had gone to Labrador and taken them from

312 LABRADOR

their homes, but they were left to get back as best they
could. They brought with them the infection of typhoid
fever, to which a very large number of Eskimos, from
Hopedale to Hebron, fell victims. At Nain, out of a
population of three hundred and fifty Eskimos, ninety
died during one winter, their dead and frozen bodies
awaiting burial at one time the following spring. One
man named Zecharias, from Hebron, said on his
return : —

" We are glad to be at liberty once more, and not to
be continually looked at as if we were animals. We
shall never go again."

Another of this unhappy band was " Pomiuk," the
little lame boy who attracted so much attention at
Chicago, and whose life story has been since written,
{Pomiuk, W. B. Forbush, Boston, 1903), evidencing in
the most pathetic way the evil result of taking these
poor people from their native country.

In 1898 another lot of Eskimos, thirty-three in all,
were induced by the same man who had taken the
colony to Chicago three years before to go on tour to
England, Europe, and America. Three died while
exhibiting at Olympia, in London. In February, 1901,
they were heard of in Algeria, and then went to
America. On September 28th, 1903, six only of them
were landed at Ramah, sick and destitute. They ad-
mitted having led degraded and immoral lives while
they were away, and, it has been found since, had
contracted a most loathsome disease which has spread
gradually through all the settlements and killed slowly
and painfully a large number of poor creatures — the
innocent with the guilty. So serious had the matter
become, that it was contemplated sending H.M.S.

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 313

Brilliant down in the fall of 1907 with medical assist-
ance and supplies.

A way must be found to prevent a repetition of such
a tragedy. Legislation has been contemplated, but it
has been difficult to decide what form it shall take. A
reluctance to curtail the liberty of the subject is offered
as an excuse for the delay of legislative enactment ;
but in every part of the world laws and enactments are
in force to protect the helpless from the consequences of
their own folly, and already Newfoundland has similar
laws, in so much as the sale of liquor to Eskimos is pro-
hibited. Why, therefore, hesitate at this most necessary
legislation ? Ever since Cartwright's humane experi-
ment in 1 78 1, whenever the Eskimos have left their
native coasts disease and death have quickly destroyed
them. It should be made a penal offence to induce the
Eskimos to leave their homes, and all captains of
vessels should be prohibited from carrying Eskimos
away without special permission of the Moravian
Brethren in charge on the Labrador, and of the Minister
of Justice of the colony.

In 1880 the Newfoundland government first sent
a mail steamer along the coast as far as Hopedale.
The Brethren were thus afforded the opportunity of
communicating more frequently with the outside world,
and the oppressive feeling of isolation, which was one of
the terrors of the post, was greatly mitigated.

It was the unpleasant duty of the Missionary-in-chief,
Brother Bourgin, to secure the arrest of an Eskimo
man named Ephraim who had murdered his son-in-law
in the most cold-blooded manner. In the early days of
the Mission murder had been of frequent occurrence
among the Eskimos, but latterly it had become quite rare.
The lack of communication with the seats of justice,

3^4

LABRADOR

and the absence of any officers of the law, had made it .
impossible heretofore to bring offenders to justice, and
this was the first occasion on which an attempt was
made to bring a criminal before a properly constituted
tribunal. He was taken to St. John s for trial, was
convicted, and sentenced to be hanged, but the sentence
was afterwards commuted to imprisonment for life.
He died in 1886.

Whooping-cough and measles ravaged the unfortunate
Eskimos in 1880-2, causing the death of large numbers.
So many were ill at one time during the summer of
1882 that it was impossible for them to make their
usual provision for the winter, and great distress pre-
vailed in consequence.

There seems little of interest to be noted in the next
few years. The food supply varied as usual, it being
always either a feast or a famine with the Eskimos.
The Annual Reports give one to understand that the
proceeds of the trade had been steadily sufficient to pay
the expenses of the Missions,

In 1890 the number of Eskimos receiving the minis-
trations of the Brethren was 1335 :

At Hopedale
Zoar
Nain
Okak
Hebron
Ramah

331

89
263
350

243
59

In 1S92 a new era dawned for Labrador.

From this time forward the Moravian Missionaries
were to have, in the person of Dr. Wilfred Grenfell,
a new and powerful ally in the work of God which
they had been carrying on for a century and a

THE MORAVIAN BRETHREN 315

quarter. They had been called to this desolate
coast by the needs of the heathen Eskimos, then its
only residents. We have read how their work has
prospered through the long years, and how the heathen
Eskimos have become genuine Christians, living humble
Christian lives that would set a good example to many
a European and American community.

We have read how a new transient population has
gradually invaded Labrador. How the traders, furriers
and fishermen from Canada, America, and the Old
Country, and now from Newfoundland, have gradu-
ally advanced along the coasts seeking the spoils of
the deep and the treasures of the forest. At first
the Straits of Belle Isle only were visited ; about
the beginning of the nineteenth century they had ad-
vanced as far as Hamilton Inlet. In 1821 Capt. Martin
could not obtain a pilot to take him farther north than
Cape Harrison. It is i860 before we hear of New-
foundland fishing schooners at Hopedale, and 1863
before they reach Hebron. But the business continued
to grow very rapidly, until in recent years it is com-
puted that 1500 to 1800 schooners and 15,000 to 20,000
people, men, women, and children, go annually to
Labrador to employ themselves in the codfishery. We
have read how the Moravian Missionaries endeavoured
to minister to such of these people as they came in con-
tact with ; but it was long evident in Newfoundland that
the condition of things amongst this large fleet was not all
that it should be. Every sudden growth of a new in-
dustry of this kind seems to carry with it an attendant
crop of troubles and abuses, which have become serious
and threatening, almost before people have time to
recognize them. It was thus with the Labrador fishing
fleet. The Newfoundland Government were called upon

3i6 LABRADOR

again and again to pass laws and regulations to remedy
abuses, and many more yet require to be passed.

The Moravian Brethren did what they could for
this large floating population ; but the problem was
not one with which they could deal to advantage. The
Eskimos were their particular care. Fortunately, the
white settlers and fishermen were now (1892) to find
a champion in Dr. Wilfred Grenfell, whose remarkable
work on Labrador will be described in another chapter.

In taking leave of the Moravian Brethren, the writer
trusts that he has conveyed to his readers some idea of
the noble and self-sacrificing lives of these good men,
who, in a steady procession through 137 years, have
carried on the work of God on Labrador. By their
means the Eskimos have been preserved from extinction,
have been civilized, educated, and brought to the
knowledcre of their Creator and Saviour.

CHAPTER XV

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR

LORENZO SABINE, in his most valuable Report
on American Fisheries, 1853, expresses his con-
viction that it was rather the pursuit of the fisheries
which occasioned the first planting of the New
England States than the desire for religious and
political freedom, as is generally supposed.

He relates the quaint tale, which has often been re-
told, how the agents of the Puritans went from Leyden
to London in 161 8, and had an interview with King
James I, soliciting his consent to their going to America.
The monarch asked them, " What profit might arise ? "
and they answered in a single word, " P'ishing." Where-
upon James replied, " So God have my soul, 'tis an
honest trade ; 'twas the Apostles' own calling."

Another anecdote is related of a minister who,
addressing his flock in a meeting house in 1690, upraided
them with having forsaken the pious habits of their
forefathers, who had left ease and comfort for the sake of
their religion ; when one of the congregation arose and
said, " Sir, you entirely mistake the matter ; our ancestors
did not come here on account of their religion, but to
fish and trade."

Certain it is that fishing was the chief pursuit of the
early New Englanders, and has ever since been an
important industry with their descendants. The boast

317

3i8 LABRADOR

was made at first that New England waters were as
plentifully supplied with fish as those of Newfoundland,
but as early as 1645 we find that the merchants of
Boston and Charlestown sent several vessels on a fishing
voyage to Bay of Bulls, Newfoundland. But the Civil
War in England had spread even to distant Newfound-
land. Sir David Kirke, in charge of the plantation in
Newfoundland, was a devoted Royalist, while the New
Englanders favoured the Commonwealth. When the
fishing vessels had nearly completed their voyage they
were seized and confiscated in the King's name. Such
is the story related by Sabine ; but there is no reference
to the event in the voluminous Colonial Papers at the
Record Office,

It soon became a regular practice for New England
vessels to frequent Newfoundland waters, partly in the
pursuit of the fisheries, but principally for trading
purposes, bartering flour, provisions, and more especially
rum, for codfish, which they marketed in the West Indies,
and also for European wines and other goods brought
out by the fishing vessels.

Another trade which developed very early and was a
continued source of trouble was the contraband trade in
men. A memorial on the Newfoundland trade, pre-
served at the Record Office under the date of 1668,
states that " the West country owners at the end of the
year send their men to New England to save their pas-
sage home, by which fishermen are made scarce, and
many serviceable seamen lost." In 1670 new rules and
regulations for the government of the fishery were
enacted, one of which was, " That masters give bonds of
;^ioo to respective mayors to bring back such as they
carry out, and that no fishermen or seamen remain be-
hind after the fishing is ended." Subsequent enactments

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 319

always repeated this rule, but as the masters of the
vessels were glad to get rid of the expense of taking
their fishermen back to Great Britain, and the New
Englanders glad to take them to America, where the
men themselves were only too anxious to go, it can be
seen that the law was very likely to be broken.

As an indication of the number of New England
vessels resorting to Newfoundland in the seventeenth
century, it is recorded that the Dutch fleet, sailing from
New York in 1671, had been to Newfoundland, and
captured five or six vessels belonging to Massachusetts.

The Report on Newfoundland, by John Larkin, 1702,
says that five hundred men, headed up in casks to pre-
vent detection, were taken from Conception Bay alone in
one year. But this was no doubt a gross exaggeration.

In 1762 a proclamation was issued, compelling New
England vessels to give bonds under heavy penalties
not to take away men. But in 1765 we find one
Stout, master of the Good Intent, convicted of having
taken away sixty men the previous year, sentenced
by the energetic and direct Sir Hugh Palliser to pay
£60 to be spent in bringing out sixty needy men from
Great Britain or Ireland, and also to pay the debts
owed by the men he had taken away — thus " making
the punishment fit the crime " in a very excellent man-
ner. The next year PalHser issued an order that all
New England vessels were to sail before October 31st,
" Or they will have to stay the winter, as their sails and
rudders will be lodged in the Fort until next year."

Captain Crofton, in his interesting report of the
fisheries in 1798, says in reference to this : —

" I am sorry to inform you that the three last winters
I was in Newfoundland, fishermen and people of all
descriptions went to America in the most public and

320 LABRADOR

official manner. I say official, as the vessels in which
they embarked cleared out at the Custom House for
Ireland to carry passengers, when it was notoriously
known that the passengers and master of the vessel
had previously agreed that after she sailed the pas-
sengers were to seize the ship, confine the crew, and
proceed to America, where, having landed, the master
then entered a protest and returned to Newfoundland."

The first account of American vessels visiting Labra-
dor is contained in the paper written in 1761 by Sir
Francis Bernard, Governor of Boston, which is so full
of interest that it is here reprinted : —

Account of Labrador written by Sir F^'ancis Bernard,
Governor of Massachusetts, 1 760.
La Torre de Labrador, or the land for cultivation, if settled
and improved by civilizing the natives, would afford a great
fund for trade, especially that part of it called the Eskimeaux
shore, between Cape Charles in the Straits of Belle Isle, in
lat. 51, and Cape Chudley, in lat. 60 North, bounding east on
the Atlantic ocean. There is but one noted writer of the
French nation who mentions the Eskimeaux Indians : The
derivation of Eskimeaux must depend entirely on him, as it is
a French termination. What nation of Indians he intends
by his descriptions of a pale red complexion, or where
situated, it is not easy to conceive ; he surely don't mean
those on the east main of Labrador, as it evidently will
appear by the following observations that no foreigner had
ever been among them, till Anno 1729; at least since Captain
Gibbons, in Anno 1614, who, had he seen any of the natives,
it is probable would have mentioned it ; and therefore I
suppose the French writer must mean those who live on or
between the lakes Atchoua and Atchikou, who have been
known to trade with the French in Canada, or perhaps at
St. James' Bay factory.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 321

The Eskimeaux coast is very easy of access early in the
year, and not liable to the many difficulties, either on the
coast of Newfoundland or Cape Breton.

The coast is very full of islands, many of them very large,
capable of great improvements, as they have more or less fine
harbours, abounding in fish and seals, water and land fowls,
good land, covered with woods, in which are great numbers
of fur beasts of the best kind. Along the coast are many
excellent harbours, very safe from storms ; in some are islands
with sufficient depths of water for the largest ships to ride
between, full of codfish, and rivers with plenty of salmon,
trout, and other fish. The climate and air is extremely
wholesome, being often refreshed with thunder and light-
ning, though not so frequently as to the southward of Belle
Isle Straits : fresh water is found everywhere on the coast and
islands in great plenty.

What follows shall be a plain narration of facts, as I
received them from several persons who have been on the
Eskimeaux coast, with now and then a digression, which I
hope may be pertinent.

Captain Henry Atkins sailed from Boston in the ship called
the Whale on a voyage to Davis's Straits in 1729. On his
return to Boston he went on shore in several places south-
ward of Davis's Inlet, in lat. 56, but could not discover
anywhere the least signs of any persons but the natives
having been there before him. In lat. 53 : 40 : or thereabouts,
being hazy weather he could not be very exact, he descried
twelve canoes with as many Indians, who had come from the
main, bound to an island not far from his ship, and then
paddled ashore to an island as fast as possible. Captain
Atkins followed them, and came to anchor that night, where he
lay till the next day in the afternoon. He went on shore with
several of his men, with small arms, cutlasses, and some small
articles, to trade with the Indians, who made signs to him to
come round a point of land, but he chose to go ashore on a
point of land that made one side of a fine harbour. The

Y

322 LABRADOR

Indians stood a little distance from the point, and by their
actions showed signs of fear and amazement. He being
resolved to speak to them, advanced toward them without
anything in his hands ; the Indians took courage and suffered
him to come near them. He showed them a file, knife, and
sundry other little articles to exchange for fur, whalebone, etc.
They did not apprehend his design, which obliged him to
send on board his ship for a slab of whalebone, on sight of
which they made a strange noise. It being near sunset, they
pointed to the sun going down, and then lay down with their
faces to the ground, covering their eyes with their hands. In
a few minutes they rose again, pointing to the sun, and then
turned themselves to the east, by which Captain Atkins
understood they would come to him again the next morning.
The Captain then went ashore, and carried with him some
trifles he thought most agreeable to the Indians, who returned
to the same place, and brought a quantity of whalebone, at
least fourteen feet long, and gave him in exchange for about
I OS. sterhng value, as much bone as produced him ;^i2o
sterling at Boston.

The Indians were chiefly dressed in beaver clothing of the
finest fur, and some in seal skins. He could not distinguish
their sex by their dress, but one of his seamen, being desirous
to know, approached one of them, who, opening her beaver,
discovered her sex, which pleased the Indians greatly. Cap-
tain Atkins ordered one of his men to strip himself, which
caused the Indians to hollow as loud as possible. While they
were thus engaged one of the Indians snatched up a cutlass,
upon which they all ran off. Captain Atkins resolved not to
lose it and followed them, and making signs, they halted. He
applied to one of them, whom the others payed most respect
to, and got it returned. He then fired off one of his guns
pointed to the ground, which terrified them extremely, which
their hollowing plainly discovered. I am the more particular
in this account from his own mouth, as I think it plainly
indicates that the Indians on this coast and islands had never

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 323

any trade or commerce with any civilized people from Europe
or America ; of course not with the French from Canada, or the
Hudson's Bay factories. The Indians signified to Captain
Atkins, that if he would go over to the main he should have
more whalebone, but he did not choose to trust them. He
observed their beaver coats were made of many pieces sewed
together, being the best patches in the skin, which shows
plainly they set light by their beaver skins, and this un-
doubtedly for want of trade.

Capt. Atkins observed they were dexterous, and active in
the management of their canoes or boats, which were made of
bark and whalebone, strongly sewed together, covered with
seal skin, payed over with a dark sort of gum. These Indians
were well made and strong, very fat and full of blood, owing
to their living on raw whale fat and drinking the blubber or
oil. Their limbs were well proportioned, their complexion a
dark red, their hair black, short, and straight, having no beard
nor any hair but on their heads. Their behaviour very lively
and cheerful ; their language gutteral and dissonant ; their
arms were bows and arrows, some of bone and some of wood ;
their bows feathered and barbed ; they sling their darts through
a piece of ivory, made square, and fastened to the palms of
their hands. Capt. Atkins conceives them to be very cun-
ning, subtile people, who could easily apprehend his meaning
when he made signs to them, but took no notice of his speak-
ing to them. As Capt. Atkins coasted that main he found
the country full of woods, alder, yew, birch, and witch-hazel,
a light fine wood for shipbuilding ; also fine large pines for
ship masts, of a much finer grain than in New England, and
of course tougher and more durable, though of a slower
growth; and no question but naval stores may be produced
here. The two inlets called Fitch and Davis, it is not known
how far they run up the country ; Fitch's is a fair inlet, bold
shore, and deep water, and great improvement might be made
upon it, there being many low grounds and good grass land.
Capt. Atkins sailed up Davis's Inlet about twenty-five

324 LABRADOR

leagues. This coast is early very clear of ice, though at sea
a good distance off there are vast islands of ice that come
from Hudson's and Davis's Straits, which are frequently carried
as far as the banks of Newfoundland by the strong current
that sets out from those straits southward.

Capt. Atkins made his last voyage on this coast. Sailed
the beginning of June, 1758, arrived at Mistaken Harbour,
which he called so having put in there July ist, following, in
a foggy day, and went northward (with fine weather, very hot,
with some thunder and lightning) to lat. 57, searching for
the Indians to trade with. Saw two large canoes which ran
from him. Despairing of meeting any more there he returned
southward, and went on shore in lat. 56 : 40 : at the Grand
Camp ^ place, which he called so from great signs of Indian
tents that had been fixed up there. Here he also saw two
Indian men, one woman, and three children, who ran from
him. He pursued and took them and carried them on board
his vessel, treated them kindly, and gave them some small
presents and then let them go. They were well pleased with
Capt. Atkins. They called whalebone Shou-coe, a woman Aboc-
chu, oil Out-chot. When he sent his seamen to fetch one of
their canoes that had drifted from the vessel's side, they said
Touch-ma-noc.

I shall once for all take notice that the several harbours and
places named by him was from anything remarkable he found
in them, as Gull Sound and Harbour, from the prodigious
number of gulls he saw there, also after the name of some of
his particular friends.

The entrance of Hancock's Inlet, in lat. 55 : 50: a very fair
inlet ; very little tide sets in or out ; from fifteen to twenty
fathoms water going in ; five hundred sail of ships may ride
conveniently in this harbour, secure from any weather. On
the east side the harbour is a natural quay or wharf, com-
posed of large square stones, some of them, of prodigious
bulk. The quay is near three miles long ; runs out into the
^ Nakvak.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 325

harbour in some places sixty, in others two hundred feet
broad ; eight fathom water at the head at high water ; so that
ships may lay at the quay afloat, and save their cables. The
harbour abounds in codfish very large, that a considerable
number of ships might load there without going outside,
which may be cured on the shore and at the quay, except in
very high tides ; while some are employed in the codfishery,
others might be catching salmon, seals, etc. in the harbours
so called. Capt. Atkins and his people waded in Salmon
River in two feet water, and catched some salmon in their
hands, as many as they had salt to cure, one of which
measured four feet ten inches long. How far up this river
reached he could not tell, but believes a good way inland
(though shallow in some places), to be capable of breeding
such vast shoals of salmon, salmon trout, and other small fish
that passed by them while fishing there ; also several acres of
Flats in Salmon River, filled with clams, muscles, and other
shell-fish, among many other conveniences necessary to a good
harbour, and some falls of water suitable to erect saw mills,
grist mills, etc. ; all kinds of sea fowl are very plentiful and
easily taken. A good settlement might be made on Fort Island
in this harbour, easily secured from any attacks of Indians.
On Cape Cod there is a vast plenty of wood ; some pines he
saw there sufficient to make masts for ships of six or seven
hundred tons, and he doubts not but a little way inland they
are much larger, and with hazel and other woods fit for ship-
building. The soil in this harbour is capable of great improve-
ments, there being rich low grounds. The woods abound in
partridges, pheasants, and other game, as well as bears, deer,
beavers, otters, black foxes, hares, minks, martins, sables, and
other beasts of rich fur. The beavers are of the black kind, of
the finest fur in this country. He took particular notice of
some small birds of passage, among them some robins, well
known to love a pleasant climate ; and on the shore side
great plenty of geese, ducks, teal, brants, curlews, plovers, and
sand birds ; and from all Capt. Atkins and his people could

326 LABRADOR

observe, they are well persuaded that the winters at the
harbour (he now called Pownal Harbour in Hancock's Inlet),
are not so uncomfortable as at Newfoundland and Louis-
bourgh, though so much further northward. In September
29th, 1758, he left this delightful inlet in fine weather, bound
home to Boston, searching the coast and trading, put into
Fortune Bay, and left it October i6th. Some sleet and rain and
a little cold ; had five days' passage to St. Peter's Bay in
Newfoundland, where the weather has been so cold and
tempestuous for fourteen days before they could not catch
fish, which Capt. Atkins might have done at Fortune Bay
the whole time.

I can hear of no vessel having wintered on that coast, ex-
cept a snow which Capt. Prebble found at Fortune Bay when
sent on that coast by Capt. Atkins in 1753. Capt. Prebble
traded with the natives, about seventy men, women, and
children ; got from them about 3000 lb. of bone for a trifling
value. Capt. Prebble carried with him a young Frenchman
in hope that some Indians might be found who understood the
French language, but they could not find one who took more
notice of it than of English — a plain proof these people
had never left their own country to trade with the French ;
for it is very observable that the Indians who have been used
to trade with the French speak that tongue well. Capts.
Atkins, Prebble, and others agree that the current sets south-
ward ; in the several harbours they went into they found
the tides flowed about seven feet.

The river St. Lawrence being now opened to us, a passage
from Boston may be made early to the Eskimeaux coast,
through the Straits of Belle Isle. 1 might here add sundry
observations made by Capt. Atkins and others on this coast ;
and of their conjectures of the richness of this country in
mines and minerals ; but I, at present, content myself with a
bare relation of facts, sincerely wishing the foregoing ob-
servations might be of any advantage to future navigators.
Boston, Feb. i6tk, 1761.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 327

In 1753, Captain Charles Swayne, in the good ship
Ar£-o, was despatched from Philadelphia to attempt the
discovery of the North- West Passage. He was unable
to force his way north through the ice, but carefully
explored the coast from 56° to 65° N. lat. In 1754
he again went to the Labrador coast, but three of his
men being decoyed and murdered by the Eskimos, the
further prosecution of the voyage was abandoned.

New England whalers, apparently, were not slow to
follow up the path which had been opened for them by
Captains Atkins, Prebble, and Swayne, for as we have
already heard. Sir Hugh PalHser speaks of them as
regularly frequenting the coast in 1766. Their conduct
to the Eskimos and to the English fishermen was so bar-
barous and lawless that Sir Hugh Palliser wrote a letter
of remonstrance to Sir Francis Bernard, and drew up
rules and regulations for their government, and for the
conduct of the whale fishery on the coast, (See Chap. X I.)
This is an important point, and has some bearing upon
the question of American rights in British waters.

Labrador had just been joined to the colony of New-
foundland, and it was the duty of the Governor, Sir
Hugh Palliser, to bring this new dependency to law
and order. He recognized no divided authority with
Sir Francis Bernard, but drew up his rules and regula-
tions, and asked Sir Francis to have them posted up in
those parts of his government where the whalers and
others going to Labrador would take notice of them.
If the New Englanders went to Newfoundland and
Labrador waters in pursuit of the fisheries, they were
bound to obey the ordinances which had been drawn
up for the conduct of those fisheries. As it was then,
in the very beginning of this industry, so it has been
ever since. The claim made by the Government of the

328 LABRADOR

United States to be free of any control, and above and
apart from all local laws, can hardly be said to be
founded upon original rights.

New Englanders were also in the habit of visiting
the Magdalen Islands, where their conduct was as ob-
jectionable as it was on the coast of Labrador. In 1771
Commodore Byron issued a Proclamation forbidding
any one to fish at these islands without a special license.

In 1774 a certain John Brown wrote to Governor
Shuldham saying that he had carried on a fishery
at Cod Roy and Humber Rivers, Newfoundland, for
seven years, but had recently been greatly annoyed by
masters of vessels coming there from America, and
particularly by one Lawrence Cavanagh, who brought
parties of Cape Breton Indians for the purpose of furring,
all contrary to law. The Governor ordered that if any
American vessels were found offending there in the future
they were to be seized and brought to St. John's.

Lorenzo Sabine, whose valuable Report has already
been quoted, says : —

" As I have examined the scattered and fragmentary
accounts of Labrador, there is no proof whatever that
its fishing grounds were occupied by our countrymen
until after we became an independent people."

And he adds : —

"As late as 1761 it is not probable that fishermen of
any flag had visited the waters of Labrador."

In another place he says : —

" The first American vessel which was fitted for the
Labrador fishery sailed from Newburyport towards the
close of the last century (1794). The business once
undertaken was pursued with great energy, and several

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 329

hundred vessels were engaged at it annually previous to
the war of 1812."

Sabine was not quite so well informed as usual on
these points, for as readers of this history will have
learned, the southern Labrador coasts were early visited
by Europeans, and the fishery carried on by the New
Englanders was also quite considerable.

G. Browne Goode, in his monumental Report on
American Fisheries, 1884, tells that in 1765 one hun-
dred vessels cleared from New England for the whale
fishery in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Straits of
Belle Isle. The season was a very good one, and they
returned with about nine thousand barrels of oil. Loud
complaints were made the next year against Palliser's
regulations, which do not of themselves appear un-
reasonable, but necessitated a considerable change from
the lawless and uncontrolled methods of previous years.
The Boston News Letter of November 18th, 1766, reports
that the " vessels are returning half loaded " ; and a later
issue says : —

" Several vessels are returned from the whaling busi-
ness who have not only had very bad success, but also
have been ill-treated by some of the cruisers on the
Labrador Coast."

The following is Palliser's account of the circum-
stance, in his letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty,
August 25th, 1766: —

" When the King's Ships arrived on their stations this
year upon the coast of Labrador, they found between
200 and 300 Whaling Vessels from the Plantations,
great part of which were employed fishing for Cod and
carrying it over to the French ships in Newfoundland ;
also destroying the fishing works belonging to English

330 LABRADOR

fishers, firing the woods and doing every kind of mis-
chief to prevent and discourage English adventurers
from going to that coast ; also in hunting and plunder-
ing the poor Indians on that coast. The King's officers
immediately put a stop to all this, and sent them away
a whaling ; then our new ship adventurers from Britain
under this protection went to work, and have succeeded
beyond expectations, taking amazing quantities of Cod."

The New Englanders loudly protested against being
debarred from fishing at Labrador. One writes : —

" To me it is amazing that any body of men should
attempt to engross it to themselves ; it will never prove
very profitable to any body of men in England, and
must be advantageous to Americans only."

Additional instructions were sent to Palliser by the
Admiralty in 1766, telling him "not to interrupt His
Majesty's American subjects in fishing providmg they
conform to the established rules of fishingP

In the Schedule of the Fishery for 1767, the number
of American vessels is given as about 300, 18,000 tons,
and 3900 men. (See following page.)

Goode says that " there can be no doubt but that
the indiscretions of the whalemen were much magni-
fied." "Indiscretions" is rather a mild term for the
offences described by Palliser. Goode continues : " The
Colonial governors often made the resources under their
control a source of revenue for themselves, and Palli-
ser's action would seem to indicate personal interest in
keeping whalemen from the Colonies away from the
territory under his control."

There is absolutely no ground for this calumnious
statement. Palliser was a man of the highest character,
and to suppose that he could have interested himself

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 33^

An Account of the Trade and Fisheries Carried on within this
Government by Vessels atid People from the Plantations.

No. OF

How

Tuns.

Men.

Remarks.

Vessels.

Employed.

6S0

IIS

Sloops and

6397

These vessels Cargo's con-

Schooners Em-

sist chiefly of Rum, Mo-

ploy'd Trading

lasses, Bread, Flour, and

to Newfound-

other Provisions, which

land.

with their vessels sold
may be rated at 100,000
Pounds Value for which
they are immediately Paid
with Bills of Exchange
upon England, a very
small part excepted with
the refuse Fish.

300

Sloops and
Schooners Em-
ploy'd on the
Whale Fishery
recon'd at 60
Tuns and 13
Men each.

18,000

3900

According to the best Ac-
counts, full this Number
of Vessels have been Em-
ploy'd about the Gulph of
St. Lawrence, the Banks
and Coasts of Newfound-
land and Labrador ; they
killed above One Hundred
Whales of the best kind
within the Gulph, where
they stay only about six
weeks ; what they killed
afterwardsabout theBanks
is not known, only that in
general they have had good
Success.

300

Sloops and
Schooners Em-
ploy'd on the
Cod Fishery
recon'd at 60
Tuns and 10
Men each.

18,000

3000

According to the best Ac-
counts full this Number of
Vessels have been em-
ploy'd about the Banks
adjacent to the Coasts of
Newfoundland and Lab-
rador ; they carry their Fish
to the respective Provinces
to which they belong,
therefore the exact quan-
tity of Fish they take is
uncertain, but on an aver-
age may be recon'd at 800
Quintals p"^ Vessel, making
240,000 Quintals.

715

Total

42,397

7580

Hugh Pallisser, 15th Dec^., 1767.

332 LABRADOR

financially in any business during the three short
summers he was on the coast betokens very little
knowlege of the conditions. A fortnight each season
was probably all the time he could spare at Labra-
dor. His instructions to his subordinates, commanders
of vessels and forts, always contained the strictest in-
junctions not to engage in trade of any description.

But the New Englanders did not seem to mend
their ways as the years went on, for we find, in the
very full reports made in 1772-3 by Lieutenant
Roger Curtis, even severer strictures upon their con-
duct. He said they were a lawless banditti, the cause
of every quarrel between the Eskimos and Europeans,
and whose greatest joy was to distress the subjects of
the mother country ; they swarmed upon the coasts
like locusts, and committed every kind of offence with
malignant wantonness. Lieutenant Curtis's language
gets quite picturesque on this subject, and we can
only hope with Goode that they were not so black
as they were painted. Curtis strongly recommended
that they should be debarred the privilege of fishing on
the Labrador entirely.

But their fishing operations were soon brought to a
standstill by the outbreak of the War of Independence,
when many of the erstwhile fishermen turned privateers
and returned to their former haunts, to harry the unpro-
tected fishermen and settlers in Newfoundland and
Labrador.

In 1776 Governor Montague writes that he hears
that four privateers have been seen in the Straits of
Belle Isle, and that he has two men-of-war there which
he hopes may encounter them. In 1777 he is informed
that two privateers are off Placentia " to burn, sink,
and destroy." In 1778 he reports that privateers are

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 333

daily committing depredations on the coast. Trinity
Bay was actually in want of provisions from that cause,
and in 1779 Fortune, St. Lawrence, and Burin are
reported to be in the same case. George Cartwright,
and the firm of Noble and Pinson, suffered considerable
losses from their attacks. But Jeremiah Coughlan,
Cartwright's early partner, writes to Governor Montague
that he had escaped loss himself, and that " Grimes and
his motley crew " had beaten a precipitate retreat. He
had 250 men in his employ, and had put them under
military discipline, so that he was able to beat Grimes
off. He states that old Mr. Pinson was the cause of the
garrison being withdrawn from York Fort, and that if
Noble and Pinson had mounted their ship's guns on
shore and assumed " an encouraging mode of carriage,"
it would have been defence enough against Grimes.
But it was by no means a one-sided conflict, for in
1780 five privateers were captured in Nevv^foundland
waters, and in 1781 H.M.S. Phito sailed from St. John's
one morning and returned in the afternoon with two
captured privateers.

While the negotiations for a treaty of peace were in
progress, great stress was laid upon the importance of
the fisheries. Every point, every word, was carefully
weighed. Time and again the negotiations were nearly
broken off because of the difficulty in coming to an
agreement on this matter. But finally, by the Treaty
of Paris, 1783, it was agreed —

" that the people of the United States shall continue to
enjoy, unmolested, the right to take fish of every kind
on the Grand Bank, and on all the other banks of New-
foundland ; also in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and at
all other places in the sea where the inhabitants of both
countries used at any time to fish ; and also that the

334 LABRADOR

inhabitants of the United States shall have liberty to
take fish of every kind on such part of the coast of
Newfoundland as British fishermen shall use (but not
to dry or cure the same on that island), and also on the
coasts, bays, and creeks of all other of His Britannic
Majesty's dominions in America ; and that the American
fishermen shall have liberty to dry and cure fish in any
of the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova
Scotia, Magdalen Islands, and Labrador as long as the
same shall remain unsettled ; but as soon as the same
or either of them shall be settled, it shall not be lawful
for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish at such settle-
ment without a previous agreement for that purpose
with the inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the
ground."

A few points only of the above treaty need be touched
upon. It will be noticed that while it was agreed that
the United States should have the right^ to fish in the
open seas, they had only the liberty^ to fish in British
waters. In Newfoundland they could only take fish on
such coasts as British subjects shall use — the intention
on the part of the British being no doubt to guard
the rights already given to the French, and also
because the Americans were bound by treaty not
to interfere with the French. In all other British
Dominions the liberty was granted to fish in the coasts,
bays, and creeks, which was a very much more com-
prehensive term than the mere coasts of Newfound-
land. That a distinction was intended is proved by
the fact that it was so acted upon, and that American
fishing vessels did not frequent Newfoundland waters,
while they completely overran those of the other colonies.

^ The use of these words was only agreed to after a long and heated
debate.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 335

It seems very probable that the United States
willingly accepted the lesser rights in Newfoundland
waters when unrestricted rights were granted on
Labrador, the great value of which they fully ap-
preciated.

The New Englanders at once resumed their visits to
Labrador, and in a few years the trade had become
enormous.

The Gloucester Telegraph published in 1829 an
account written in 181 5 of the Massachusetts fisheries
from 1790 to 1 8 10. It says : —

"The 648 vessels that fish at Labrador and Bay
Chaleur I put down at 41,600 tons, and 5832 men and
boys. They take and cure 648,000 qtls. of fish, making
one trip yearly. Most of the vessels cure part of their
fish on shore near the place where they catch them,
and the rest after their return home. Several cargoes
are shipped direct to Europe, particularly to Alicante,
Leghorn, and Naples, The average price obtained is
$5.00 per quintal. They take 20,000 barrels of oil
valued at $8.00 to $12.00. Some said that 1700 vessels
were engaged in this fishery, but this is no doubt greatly
exaggerated."

This writer himself greatly overestimated the number
of vessels pursuing the Labrador fishery, for in the
statistics given by Sabine of the cod fishery of the
United States, the average tonnage employed altogether
at that period was 43,000, the greater part of which
frequented the near-by fisheries on the Grand Banks.
But still the numbers were no doubt considerable, for
in 1806 forty-five vessels are reported to have sailed
for Labrador from Newburyport alone.

From Captain Crofton's Report of the Fisheries,

336 LABRADOR

1798, the following interesting particulars are gleaned.
He says : —

" Before concluding my observations respecting the
Coast of Labrador, I think it proper to acquaint you
that vessels from the United States of America have
arrived here every year since the Treaty of Peace with
that country ; and as there has been no ship hitherto
appointed to attend their motions, it is most probable
that they take every opportunity of trading with the
Indians (Eskimos^ I have likewise heard that they
have interrupted the British in their Salmon Fishery,
having placed their nets in Rivers, which our Fisher-
men consider contrary to the Treaty ; Harbours, Bays,
and Creeks being particularly specified, and Rivers not
being mentioned. It will therefore be satisfactory to
have the right of fishing in Rivers more fully explained,
as reference will be made to the first officer that happens
to be on the spot during the time of catching salmon,
which was finished before my arrival on the coast of
Labrador, and the American vessels departed."

While somewhat foreign to the design of this book,
it is interesting here to note Captain Crofton's account
of the fishery at the Magdalen Islands. He found that
these islands had not been visited by any of His
Majesty's ships since 1787. Prior to the war with
America, the fishing rights had been leased to Colonel
Richard Gridley, of Massachusetts — a fact which is also
noted by Sir Joseph Banks in 1766. During the war,
Gridley played an important part in the American
Army, laying out the works at Bunker Hill, and after-
wards becoming the head of the engineer's department

^ It must be remembered that after the war was over, trade between
the United States and the British North American colonies was inter-
dicted.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 337

under Washington. Lorenzo Sabine says he had not
been able to learn whether Colonel Gridley retained
his grant of the Magdalens after the war. Captain
Crofton, however, reports : —

" That the only British fishery on the Islands is
carried on by Mr. John Janvrin of Jersey, who has but
one boat and three men. He bought a house, etc.,
from Mr. Gridley of Boston that had been resident here
many years before and since the last war. Mr, Gridley
carried on the Sea Cow fishery, and was then in partner-
ship with Mr. Read of Bristol, but by what authority
he established himself here since the War I cannot
learn, as he received all his stores and provisions from
Boston in New England, and sent the produce of the
Islands thither in return. I was much surprised at
finding a British Merchant's establishment here, on so
small a scale, but am informed that the Island has been
so much resorted to lately by American vessels that
it has discouraged Mr. Janvrin from extending his
commerce. This year the number of American vessels
drying fish at the Magdalens amounted to thirty-five,
and more than two-thirds of them have cured their
fish in the Harbour of Amherst, and occupied so large
a space as to almost exclude Mr. Janvrin or any British
Adventurer from pursuing the fishery in an extensive
way. The Americans, having met with no interrup-
tion, have lately had the presumption to build several
fish stages and flakes ; they have not yet left any
person to remain the winter, but in the Spring bring
two crews for each vessel, one of which remains on
shore to cure the fish. The Americans having finished
their fishery for the season, I therefore only observed
to them that I was of opinion that it was improper for
them erecting flakes, etc, and so many vessels resorting

338 LABRADOR

to one harbour, supposing that my admonishing them
would now be too late to produce any effect this season.
Before leaving the Magdalens, I am extremely sorry to
acquaint you that the Sea Cow Fishery at those Islands
is totally annihilated, not one having been seen for
many years." ^

In September, 1797, Captain (afterwards Admiral)
Isaac Coffin wrote to Governor Waldegrave, informing
him that the Magdalen Islands fishery had been granted
to him in 1788 by Lord Dorchester, and asking that
Americans and all other poachers be restrained from re-
sorting there. Governor Waldegrave wrote to the Duke
of Portland for instructions on the matter. The reply
was made that Captain Coffin's grant did not convey
the right of settlement and occupation, that conse-
quently the Magdalen Islands could not be said to be
settled, and that therefore the Americans had the right
to fish there. As lately as 1852, his heir, Captain
Townsend Coffin, leased the islands to Benjamin Weir
and others of Halifax.

The American fishermen were clearly within their
rights to dry and cure fish on the Magdalen Islands,
provided that the places used by them were unsettled.
Captain Crofton evidently considered that Amherst
Harbour was a settled and occupied harbour from
which the Americans were excluded, unless they made
special agreements with the ostensible owners.

The practice of hiring stations for drying and curing
fish was occasionally resorted to by the Americans on
the Labrador, as the following correspondence shows.
That the lessors had no right to the place, and that the

^ In the Report of the Fisheries for 1789, it is stated that the sea cow
fishery had been ahnost totally destroyed by the Americans, who killed
them in the water and on shore, especially during whelping time, in the
month of May.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 339

Americans relet it in part, adds considerable piquancy
to the story.

In 1802 the important firm of D. Codner and Com-
pany, of St. John's, made complaint to Governor Gambier
that, having sent a vessel to Red Bay, Labrador, they
could not get room there to erect stages and cure fish.
They stated that the place was claimed by Randall and
Company, who only occupied a small part themselves,
letting the balance to Americans, so that the captain
of their vessel was forced to rent a station from the
said Americans, for which he paid £10. The Governor
replied as follows : —

" I have to inform you that no person is allowed to
take possession of any part of the coast of Labrador,
where there are no Canadian possessions, nor to make
sedentary establishments save such as shall produce
certificates of having sailed from England. You are
authorized to occupy any vacant places on the coast of
Labrador so long as the above rule is carried out."

The rapid growth of the American fishery, on the
coast of Labrador in particular, but also on the Nova
Scotian coast and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, seriously
affected the prosperity of Newfoundland. In 1804 the
naval officer on the fishery service was told that there
were 1360 American vessels employed on the Banks, in
the Gulf, and on the Labrador. A watchman who had
been employed to count the American vessels passing
through the Gut of Canso in 1807, stated that there had
been at least 938.

Complaints of the aggressive conduct of the Ameri-
cans were made from every part of British North
America. At this period United States vessels do
not appear to have frequented the Newfoundland coast.

340 LABRADOR

owing no doubt to the fact that the privileges granted
by the Treaty of 1783 were very much more restricted
in that island than in any other part of British North
America. While Newfoundland waters were spared
from the American invasion, the competition from the
United States in foreign markets nearly ruined the
Newfoundland trade. It was a serious handicap to
have to bring out ships and men from Great Britain each
spring and to take them back at the close of the season.
Newfoundland was also debarred from the cheap pro-
visions and marine stores which had been obtained
from the American colonies prior to the Revolution,
and everything had to be brought from England at
great expense.

Urged by the merchants of St. John's, the Governor,
Sir Erasmus Gower, in 1805, wrote to the Secretary of
State to the following effect : — The New England
fisheries had increased to such a degree that they far
exceeded those of Newfoundland. Their produce com-
peted with Newfoundland fish in all markets, and was
sold at lower prices. The Newfoundland catch had been
reduced by half. The chief advantage of the Americans
lay in their cheap provisions and outfits, and he recom-
mended that the embargo on trade with the United
States be removed. He also stated that the Americans
had almost driven British-caught fish out of the British
West Indies, having sold there in the previous year
150,000 quintals, while Newfoundland had sold 50,000
only, and asked that something be done to secure that
market from American competition.

The fisheries of Newfoundland and Labrador were still
considered to be vitally necessary for the supply of men
for the Navy, and Sir Erasmus Gower's representations
at once received due consideration. His secretary, Mr.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 341

Joseph Trounsell, wrote to the merchants of St. John's,
in March, 1806, sa5nng that the Lords of the Committee
for Trade and Plantations had recommended that a
bounty of 2s. per quintal be paid on all British-caught
fish imported into the West Indies. This was supple-
mented in April by a bounty of is. 6d. to 4s. per
barrel on pickled fish. Finally a duty was imposed
on American fish to countervail the duty which America
had imposed on British fish.

This was very satisfactory to the Newfoundland
merchants until the United States retorted by placing
a complete embargo on trade with the British North
American colonies, thus preventing them from obtaining
the supply of cheap provisions which was so vitally
necessary. In 1808 considerable fears of famine were
entertained, and provisions went to extreme prices.
The bounty on exports to the British West Indies
seemed to be only temporary, for in 1808 we find the
merchants of St. John's petitioning for its continuance.

These restrictions to trade bore very hardly also
on the American fishing industry. It is recorded that
in 1808 quantities offish rotted in their stores for want
of a market.

In 1806 the principal merchants of Conception Bay
presented a memorial to Governor Hollow3>y calling his
attention to the actions of the Americans who visited
Labrador, declaring that they were indefatigable in
their endeavours to entice away the fishermen and ser-
vants of the merchants, and were connivars and abettors
in robbery and fraud. Among other instances given
was that of a crew who had been furr.ished with a brig-
and supplies of all sorts by the firm of Goss, Chauncy,
and Ledgard, of Carbonear, and v/ho fished at Camp
Islands, Labrador. Owing to th^j inducements offered

342 LABRADOR

them by the captain of an American vessel, they sold
their catch of fish and all the gear of the brig to him,
left her to go to pieces on the rocks, and all went off to
America. The petitioners begged that a ship of war be
sent on the coast to put a stop to the illicit dealings of
the Americans.

Governor Holloway at once sent a vessel to enquire
into the doings of the Americans on the Labrador
coast, and apparently discovered more than the memo-
rialists intended, as is seen by the following letter to
the Privy Council, dated September 9th, 1907 : —

"As His Majesty's ship Topaz is ordered to sail for
England, I have the honour to relate a circumstance
which I feel is of importance for the consideration of
the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council for
Trade and Plantations, which I beg you will be pleased
to lay before them.

" The Americans that fish on the Coast of Labrador
have long been suspected, and upon good information,
of carrying great quantities of provisions as well as
other contraband articles, which they sell and barter to
the British merchants, who with great facility tranship
them in small quantities to this Island. It has been
usual for the Commander-in-Chief of Newfoundland to
send vesself) to the Coast of Labrador, not only to pro-
tect His Majesty's subjects, but the Commanders also
have orders to prevent any illicit trade between them
and other povt^ers.

" The Adofiis cutter. Lieutenant McKillop, a few
days since detained two American vessels upon correct
information of tlheir having sold and bartered a great
quantity of provisions and other articles, mtd had laden
with fish not caught or cured by the people of the United
States. They are sefit here for adjudication, where it is

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 343

alleged they cannot be tried as the offence was com-
mitted without the jurisdiction of this Government. If
they are liberated it will be giving great encouragement
to the Americans to pursue this system, which must
prove highly injurious to His Majesty's commercial
interests. It is impracticable at this season of the year
to send vessels to Quebec, and it would also be attended
with great inconvenience in the event of liberation from
the situation of that port.

" The Coast of Labrador was formerly annexed to
this Government, and, I understand by my papers
from the Admiralty, was removed to Quebec on
account of a few grants to individuals which extend but
to a small district.

" I therefore humbly beg leave to suggest to their
lordships the advantages which will arise to His
Majesty's Government by annexing the Coast of
Labrador to this command as the most effectual mode
of suppressing this illicit trade, which otherwise will
prove a great evil to the trade of Great Britain."

A few days afterwards permission was granted to land
the cargo of fish and sell it for the benefit of whom
it may concern. The schooner Malita, seized " for
breach of navigation laws of Labrador," lay in St. John's
Harbour and rotted there, and it is probable that the
case never came before the Admiralty Court at all.

On November 19th, 1808, Governor Holloway, writing
to Lord Castlereagh, asks if any decision had been
arrived at respecting the transfer of Labrador to New-
foundland, for " at present the most atrocious deeds
may be committed and the offenders go unpunished,
irregularities being constantly practised by the Ameri-
cans who frequent the coast, which I have no authority
to take cognizance of, although only to be detected by

344 LABRADOR

my cruisers, Quebec being too remote for the establish-
ment of any civil or other authority. The number of
vessels from the United States frequenting or fishing
on the Coast of Labrador and Newfoundland have been
but few in comparison with other years, the number
this season not having exceeded 200 or 300."

The seizure of this vessel is a most important occur-
rence, and is a most valuable piece of evidence on the
rights of American fishermen in British waters.

At that period trade of all descriptions with the
United States had been prohibited (28 Geo. Ill, c. 6)
except that in case of emergency the Governor of New-
foundland was empowered to authorize the importation
of " bread, flour, Indian corn, and live stock." British
subjects in Newfoundland and Labrador als3 were
strictly prohibited from selling, to persons not British
subjects, vessels or gear, any kind of bait, or produce of
the fishery of any sort.

The mhabitants of the United States, by the Treaty
of 1783, were given the liberty to take and cure fish
but not to purchase it, and when this vessel was fourd
laden with fish not caught by inhabitants of the United
States, she and her cargo were promptly confiscated.

In 181 2 the pursuit of the fisheries by inhabitants
of the United States on the coast of Labrador w£s
again interrupted by war, and again the coast of
Newfoundland was visited by numerous American
privateers. The merchants of St. John's asked
Admiral Keats, the Governor of Newfoundland, for
a convoy to bring down vessels from Quebec, with
flour and provisions, of which the country was much
in need. But the Governor replied that he could not
undertake this service with the little squadron which
he had at his command. Ouite a number of Bi'itish

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 345

merchant vessels took out letters of marque, and a
goodly number of American prizes were brought into
St. John's. Provvse's History of Newfoundland is
authority for the statement that one could walk across
the harbour of St. John's on the decks of the prizes
which were moored there side by side.

The merchants of St. John's, who were a very active
body, presented a memorial to Admiral Keats, the
Governor, at the close of the year 1813, begging that,
when peace came to be negotiated, both the French
and Americans should be excluded from British waters.
It is such an interesting document that it is quoted
here in full. It must be observed that the worthy
merchants were careful to present their case in the
strongest possible light, and that some of their state-
ments were probably exaggerated : —

To Sir Richard Goodwin Keats, K.B., Governor and
Commander-in-Chief in and over the Island of New-
foundland, etc.

The Memorial of the Merchants and Principal Resident
Inhabitants interested in the Trade and Fisheries of
Newfoundland assembled at the Merchants Hall in
St. John's, twenty-seventh of October, One thousand
eight hundred and thirteen :
Humbly sheweth,

The Merchants, Planters and all other classes of His
Majesty's subjects in this Island have at all times manifested
their Loyalty to their King, and have never failed to express
their indignation at the treacherous conduct of the enemies
of their country. And considering that our existence as a
great and independent nation must chiefly depend upon our
preserving the Sovereignty of the Seas, the policy of excluding
France and America from the advantages those nations have

346 LABRADOR

heretofore enjoyed in times of Peace, in this fishery must
be evident to every man of observation engaged in this branch
of commerce.

By former treaties with France and the United States of
America, those powers were allowed certain privileges on these
shores, banks, coast of Labrador and in the Gulf of St. Law-
rence, in the opinion of Your Excellency's Memorialists highly
impolitic, and which the wisdom of the British Government
would not coincide except under very peculiar circumstances.

By this concession to France and America a great national
benefit was lost, and a door opened to illicit commerce to the
injury of the Revenue as well as to His Majesty's subjects
engaged in the trade of Newfoundland and the British
American Colonies. A facility was thereby afforded of intro-
ducing into Newfoundland and those Colonies, teas and other
articles of contraband, and temptation held out to our fisher-
men to emigrate to the United States, and the superior
numbers of their citizens who annually resorted to the shores
of Labrador enabled them to control and overawe our people
on that coast except indeed when a ship of war happened
to be within the reach of complaint. Fifteen hundred
American vessels have been known to be prosecuting the
fishery at one time on the Labrador coast, bringing with them
coffee, teas, spirits, and other articles of contraband. In
their passage thither from their own country they generally
stop in the Gut of Canso, where the narrowness of the navi-
gation affords great facility to smuggling.

The intercourse of our fishermen with these secret enemies
of Britain has an effect not less fatal to their moral character
than to our fishery. The small planters and catchers of fish
which make the great body of the people on the coast of
Labrador under the influence of notions imbibed by their
daily intercourse with men whose interests are at war with
ours, become dissatisfied with their supplying merchants
who are unable to meet their foreign competitors on equal
ground, the next step, as experience shows, is the neglect

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 347

of the only means in their power to discharge their debts.
Disobedience and Insubordination follows, and finally their
minds become alienated from their own Government, and
they emigrate to another to the great loss of their country.

In times of Peace, besides, the citizens of the United
States resort in great numbers to the Banks, where they
anchor in violation of express stipulations to the great annoy-
ance of this valuable branch of the Newfoundland trade.
Nor is it possible that the strictest vigilance is often able to
detect them in the breach of such stipulations.

The evils growing out of the impolitic concessions to
insidious friends are more extensive than Your Excellency's
Memorialists have yet stated ; they accompany our commerce
into the markets of Europe and the West Indies.

In the United States, men, provisions and every other
article of outfit are procured upon much better terms than
the nature of things will admit of with the British. These
combined advantages enable them to undersell the British
merchant in the Foreign Market. Hence heavy losses have
often by him been sustained, and must always be sustained
under similar circumstances.

The proof of the great national advantage heretofore
reaped by America from the Fishery, Your Excellency's
Memorialists not only quote the language of Massachusetts
in June last in a remonstrance to their Government "keep
your land, but give us a fishery."

The French in time of tranquillity prosecuting the fishery
at St. Pierre and Miquelon, it is well known carried on an
extensive illicit commerce with the British residing on the
coast contiguous to those Islands, although they pretended
that such intercourse was contrary to a known law of their
own country, similar illicit traffic was at the same time carried
on by the subjects of that nation with the English on the
coast ceded to the former on the North part of this Island.
The entire range between Cape John, Northward to Cape
Rea, was yielded to France, and the British were prohibited

348 LABRADOR

by the French from ever fishing between those two Capes.
Your MemoriaHsts have learnt from good authority that
France actually employed upon this North Shore (with St.
Pierre and Miquelon) Twenty thousand men. Excellent
Harbours, hardly five miles asunder, skirt the coast from
Cape John to the Straits of Belle Isle, affording security to
ships and vessels in the worst weather, and the great resort
of the codfish to the very mouths of these harbours, beyond
what is generally known upon the other shores of Newfound-
land, evince the high advantages of the North Fishery formerly
possessed by France.

The fishery now prosecuted with vigour by the British
upon the shores heretofore enjoyed by the French is become
very extensive, and employs a large proportion of our fisher-
men. The product of this industry is brought hither and
carried to other ports of export coastways in vessels owned
by the employers, and supplies of the Planters and Fishermen.
Dwelling-houses, substantial stages and stores would soon rise
up in that quarter of the Island, were it certain that the
builders would at the return of Peace be allowed to retain
their property. That valuable part of Newfoundland, fertile
in everything for promoting a fishery, would in such an event
form a populous district of great value to the Mother Country,
not only as a fishery, but as it would cultivate a coasting
navigation, at all times an important object with Government.

And believing firmly, as your Excellency's Memorialists
have reason to believe, and have already stated, that our
existence as a great independent nation depends upon our
Dominion on the Ocean, the wise policy of shutting out those
nations now leagued in war against us from a future participa-
tion in so important a branch of our commerce can hardly be
made a question.

The increased advantages since the commencement of
hostilities with America, derived to both our Export and
Import Trade having now no competitors in the Foreign
Markets, and what is of the last and highest importance, the

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 349

increase of our means to make mariners, while those of our
enemies must in the same proportion be crippled, show the
wisdom of preserving the " vantage ground " we now stand
upon. And Your Excellency's Memorialists feel the more
urgent in their present representation as the prospects which
happily have recently opened in Europe may afford a well-
grounded hope that the time is not very remote when negotia-
tions may be opened for the return of permanent Peace.

From the protection afforded to the trade of this Island
by Your Excellency, as well as by His Excellency, Sir John
B. Warren, a great number of fishing vessels having gone to
Labrador from Nova Scotia, the number of men employed on
the Labrador shores this season has been double, and the
absence of their former intruders has enabled them to fish un-
molested. Your Excellency's Memorialists beg to press upon
your serious consideration, which they cannot too often urge,
the important policy^ should fortunately the circumstances of
Europe ultimately encourage such a hope, of wholly excluding
foreigners from sharing again in the advantages of a fishery
from which a large proportion of our best national defence
will be derived.

From the proofs Your Excellency has manifested, during
Your Excellency's short residence in Newfoundland, of solici-
tude for the prosperity of this trade, and from Your
Excellency's high character, in a profession, the salvation
and admiration of oppressed nations, and upon which we can
rely for a continuance of that prosperity.

Your Excellency's Memorialists confidently hope that Your
Excellently will, on your return to England, lay this, their
humble representation, before His Majesty's Government and
give it that support which the high importance of the case
demands.

(Signed) J. MacBraire,

Chairman.

St. John's, Newfoundland,
SM November, 1813.

350 LABRADOR

On April loth, 1814, Governor Keats wrote from
England to the merchants of St. John's that their
memorial was receiving due attention, and in the follow-
July he himself wrote the following letter to the
Secretary of State, supplementing the memorial of the
merchants : —

Memorial of Merchants and Exclusion of Foreigners
from Fishery.

I HAVE the honour at the request of the Merchants and
principal Resident Inhabitants interested in the trade of
Newfoundland, to transmit your Lordship a Memorial which I
have received from them, calculated to call attention to the
growing importance of the Fisheries of Newfoundland to
afford some useful information upon that interesting subject,
and praying that if circumstances should permit at the return
of Peace, that our present enemies may not be allowed to
participate in that valuable fishery. The important advantages
that would result to Great Britain and Newfoundland by
excluding foreign powers from any participation in the valu-
able fisheries of that island are too well known to Your
Lordship and His Majesty's Government to make it necessary
for me to enter at all upon. I will delay Your Excellency
only to remark that the quantity of fish taken this season
exceeds that of any former year — that the number of vessels
sent from Nova Scotia (of which no notice is taken in my
returns) to take fish in the Straits of Belle Isle, where fleets
were employed by the Americans, have doubled that of the
last year, and will probably next year greatly exceed that of the
present, that from the spirit and vigour with which prepara-
tions are already making to pursue the fisheries (chiefly arising
out of the American war) it is expected they will be very
much increased next season. Connected with this subject.
Government will have the satisfaction of seeing by the Custom
House Returns that the imports (provisions apart) from

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 351

Great Britain have increased since the American war, seem-
ingly in a greater proportion than can be accounted for by
any increase of the population, and that the 6d. per gallon duty
on rum has of itself this year produced upwards of ;;^io,ooo.
The readmission of America to privileges she enjoyed by
former treaties in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, on the Coast of
Labrador, and Newfoundland, would infallibly be felt severely
by the Merchant, the Planter, and in the Revenues, whilst the
worst effects would be produced by communications with a
people so inveterately hostile and depraved, and the most
serious losses to our country would ensue, by the valuable
seamen and fisherman they would deprive us of.

Fort Townsend,
No. 25. St. John's, Newfoundland,

27 July, 1814.
My Lord,

Having in my Despatch No. 18 referring to the
Memorial transmitted from the merchants and principal
inhabitants interested in the trade of Newfoundland, stated
it as my opinion that the readmission of America to the
privileges she enjoyed by Treaty, prior to the present war,
in the Gulf of St. Lawrence and on the Coasts of Labrador
and Newfoundland would be severely felt by the merchants,
planters and in the revenue. I have the honour to detail
more particularly the grounds on which that opinion was
formed, conceiving they may be found to contain some
observations not entirely undeserving notice, whenever the
subject may come into particular consideration.
I have the honour to be, with great respect,
My Lord,

Your Lordship's
Most obedient, humble servant,

(Signed) R. G. Keats.

To the Right Honourable

The Earl of Bathurst, &c.

352 LABRADOR

Enclosure.

The Fishery carried on by America to the Northward
most injurious to our interests seems unquestionably to be
that on the coast of Newfoundland within the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and particularly that on the coast of Labrador.
To this fishery that pursued by the Americans on the Banks
of Newfoundland was of very inferior consideration, the latter
not employing more than three or four hundred sail of vessels
seemed stationary, whilst the former gradually increased from
the Peace of 1783 to the War declared by her in 181 2, at
which period it appears from many creditable authorities
America sent not less than 1500 vessels into the Gulf of St,
Lawrence and upon the coast of Labrador, which at the
moderate calculation of 10 men to a vessel would afford employ-
ment for 15,000 men, admitting no abatement to be allowed
for those who made second trips.

America from her situation, the Gulf of St. Lawrence
being cleared of ice earlier than the Straits of Belle Isle, was
enabled to get the vessels on the Coast of Labrador before
our Merchants and Planters who reside on the East Coast of
Newfoundland, and whose vessels enter by the Straits of Belle
Isle. With this advantage, and coming in such immense
numbers, the harbours best calculated for the cod fishery were
occupied by them to the prejudice almost to the exclusion
of our own fishermen in places where we had no settlements,
whilst the multitude of boats sent by them to the fishing ledges
have been even known to create a scarcity of fish — and (the
Gurry) the offal thrown by them into the sea (for the fish
taken by the boats are prepared and salted on board the vessels
at anchor in the harbours) produced the worst effects upon
the neighbouring Salmon Fisheries, and also on the Caplin, on
which our fishermen principally depend for Bait, and this
practice, which at the first view it should seem would be
equally injurious to the Americans was less felt by them,
as they commonly came prepared with clams, and salted bait.
Our planters and fishermen complain that their nets were

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 353

continually cut by them ; that they could not leave anything
on their Sealing Posts without a strong guard, which they
could not afford, and that the woods are set fire, too, by them
(which numerous ineffectual proclamations have been issued
by the Governors to prevent) in order to deprive our fisher-
men of the Means of making and repairing their flakes and
other fishing conveniences.

Against practices of this vicious nature complaints, as the
Americans were commonly the most numerous, were disre-
garded and treated with insult.

Indisputably it never was the intention of Government to
grant to America a right on our Coasts, which, from the
advantages she possesses from her situation and produce, could
be exercised to the extinction or the serious disadvantage of
our own fisheries. But the loose and undefined manner
in which the 3rd Article of the Treaty of 1783 is expressed
with the abuses already and hereafter noticed, which have been
practised by the Americans, expose our Merchants and Planters
to difficulties to whom an unqualified renewal of the 3rd
Article of the Treaty would inevitably prove highly injurious.

The Americans claim and dispute with us the Right of the
Salmon Fishery, which is properly a River fishery, and by
setting their nets at the mouths of the rivers prevent half
the fish from entering to lay their spawn.

They are also in the habit of sending Light Ships from
America to some of the harbours on the Labrador, par-
ticularly Labrador Harbour, Red Bay, and Cape Charles,
which receive the fish caught and prepared by them on the
coast, and take it with what they procure clandestinely from
our Boatkeepers by Purchase or Barter, for they come pre-
pared with money and goods for that purpose, and thus
become the Carriers of a proportion of our own fish to
the Market.

The Trade and Revenue of the Island equally with the
Planter are exposed to great and serious losses — an evil
which will grow with the rapidly increasing population of

354 LABRADOR

Newfoundland — for the Americans are enabled to undersell
our Merchants in Bread, Flour, Salt, Provisions, Teas, Rum,
Tobacco, etc. The articles are smuggled into the Country
and bartered for fish taken by our Boatkeepers, and the
facilities which such an unrestrained communication with
our Coasts and Harbours afford for Smuggling and other
clandestine practices are such that no vigilance on the part
of the Men of War can prevent. A serious grievance arises
from the quantity of New England Rum with which at low
price they are enabled to supply our Boatkeepers, fisher-
men, and servants, which never fails to have a sensible
and unfavourable effect at the season at which Industry
and Exertion are peculiarly requisite to enable the Boatkeeper
to pay for the supplies with which he has been furnished by
the Planter.

The number of valuable men annually seduced from
their employers and taken away by the Americans is a source
of national as well as private injury, and with a people so
democratic, so insulting and offensive in their conduct and
behaviour, it were perhaps desirable to lessen our com-
munications as much as circumstances may permit.

America, jealous in the extreme of what she calls her
waters, a right she claims and is labouring to establish to
the extent of Forty Miles from her coast, can, on no fair
principle, it should seem, claim of us the privilege to enter
our Bays, Creeks, and Harbours, and to use them to the
injury of our Merchants and Planters and to the prejudice
of the Revenues — if on her principle we establish our right
of what she terms waters — to only half the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and the valuable fisheries on the Coast of New-
foundland and Labrador. If we keep her only three miles
from the Coast a very considerable and perhaps sufficient
advantage will be secured to our own fisheries.

Whatever may be the determination of His Majesty's
Government respecting these fisheries on the return of
peaceful relations with America, explanations in any event

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 355

respecting the unwarranted pretensions of the Americans
herein noticed it is presumable will take place, and although
in the unfortunate event of their readmission into the Gulf
of St. Lawrence, and on the Coasts of Newfoundland and
Labrador, it is probable no foresight could effectually secure
His Majesty's subjects from considerable interruption and
annoyance in their occupations, it is nevertheless to be
hoped some regulations will take place which shall be found
to check, if not entirely remove the evils represented. And
it should seem from the annoyance which the French also
experienced from the Americans on those parts of the Coast
on which they formerly had the right to fish, that in the
event of their readmission to their former privilege, that that
nation would also feel a corresponding interest in keeping the
Americans from their coast and fishermen.

Connected in some degree with the present subject, I beg
leave to close it with an opinion arising as well from my own
observations as that of some previous persons on whose infor-
mation and judgment I have reliance : That on the return of
Peace no necessity will exist in Newfoundland for any com-
munication whatever with the United States. From Canada,
Nova Scotia, and the Mother Country all necessary supplies
of Provisions and Lumber may be drawn. With some en-
couragement Newfoundland might be made to supply herself
with lumber and even to send to the West Indies, nor is it by
any means certain that she could not be made useful in
affording some supplies to our Dock Yards of Timber and
Spars applicable for Naval Purposes.

(Signed) R. G. Keats.

Fort Townsend, St. John's,

Newfoundland, 21 th Jtdy, 1814.

The representations of the merchants seemed to have
had effect, for when negotiations for peace were entered
into, the British Commissioners declared in the most
positive v/ay, that " the British Government did not

356 LABRADOR

intend to grant to the United States gratuitously the
privileges formerly granted to them of fishing in British
waters." The American Commissioners also were in-
structed on no account to suffer their right to the
fisheries to be brought into the discussion. Neverthe-
less, the matter was discussed very freely, but the British
held to their determination and no mention of Fishery
Concessions was made in the Treaty of Ghent of 1814.

Lord Bathurst, Secretary of State, wrote to Governor
Keats on June 17th, 18 15, instructing him on the new
state of affairs. He said that the war of 181 2 had
cancelled all privileges, and that subjects of the United
States could have no pretence to any right to fish
within British jurisdiction. In regard to the banks and
open sea fisheries, the Americans were not to be dis-
turbed, but they were to be rigidly excluded from the
" Bays, Harbours, Rivers, Creeks, and Inlets of His
Majesty's possessions."

The Americans set up the peculiar plea that the war
of 18 12 had not abrogated their rights under the Treaty
of 1783, which they declared to be inalienable, and their
fishino' vessels began at once to invade British waters.
In 18 1 5 a company was formed at Gloucester, Massa-
chusetts, to carry on the cod fishery on the Grand
Banks and Labrador, and twelve vessels were built.

JSlote. — The following opinion on this vexed question
is taken from Hall on Treaties, 1895, a standard
authority on International Law : —

"After the war of 18 12 it was a matter of dispute
whether the article dealing with these privileges (Treaty
of 1783) was merely regulatory, or whether it operated
by way of a grant ; its effect being in the one case
merely suspended by war, while in the other the article
was altogether abrogated. On the part of the United

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 357

States, it was argued that the Treaty of 1783 recog-
nized the right of fishery, of which it is subject, as a
right which having, before the independence of the
United States, been enjoyed in common by all the
inhabitants of the British possessions in North America
■ as attendant on the territory, remained attendant, after
the acquisition of independence, upon that portion of
the territory which became the United States, in com-
mon with that which still lay under the dominion of
England.

" By England, on the other hand, it was as distinctly
maintained that the claim of an independent State to
occupy and use at its discretion any part of the terri-
tory of another without compensation or corresponding
indulgence, cannot rest on any other foundation than
conventional stipulation. The controversy was put an
end to by a treaty in 18 18 in which the indefensible
American pretension was abandoned, and fishing rights
were accepted by the United States as having been
acquired by contract."

Governor Keats gave instructions to the captains of His
Majesty's ships to carry out the regulations laid down
by Lord Bathurst, but on the Newfoundland and Labra-
dor coasts the records note only one American vessel
found trespassing, which left immediately on being dis-
covered. Not so on the Nova Scotian coasts, where a
good many seizures were made, some of which at least
were entirely unjustifiable. A strained condition of
affairs was produced again, and when the President of
the United States proposed that negotiations should be
opened for the amicable settlement of the disputed
fishery matters, the British Government weakly ac-
quiesced.

In 1 8 16 Lord Bathurst informed Admiral Pickmore,

358 LABRADOR

who had become Governor of Newfoundland, that His
Majesty's Ambassador at Washington, the Hon.
Charles Bagot, had been authorized to enter into
negotiations and to conclude some arrangement by
which inhabitants of the United States were to par-
ticipate in the fisheries within British Dominions, and
to have a modified use of British territory. We can
imagine the consternation the news must have caused
in the British North American colonies.

Admiral Pickmore was also directed to be governed
by any instructions he might receive on the matter from
Mr. Bagot. This gentleman, however, wrote from
Washington in January, 1817, that the negotiations had
been brought to a close by the rejection of the English
proposals.

On May 12th of that year. Lord Bathurst informed
Admiral Pickmore that temporary permission had been
granted to the Americans, for one season only, to pursue
the fisheries in any unoccupied harbours, bays, etc. of
British territories. Encouraged by this permission
considerable numbers of American vessels visited
Labrador that season. The town of Newbury port alone
is said to have sent sixty-five vessels to the coast.

During the wars with France and America, Newfound-
land enjoyed very prosperous times. Being relieved
from the competition of both French and Americans,
the Newfoundland merchants had a monopoly of the
European markets, and very high prices were obtained
for fish. Considerable inflation took place in New-
foundland, and a great increase was made in the resident
population, chiefly by the influx of a number of poor
Irish settlers.

When peace was declared, competition immediately
began again, and prices declined so enormously that

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 359

commercial disaster overtook all interested in the
Newfoundland fisheries. The new surplus population
could not be employed, and during the years 1 8 16-17
the greatest distress prevailed all over Conception Bay,
as well as in St. John's. The poorer classes were on the
verge of starvation, and robberies and riots were frequent
and serious. To add to the trouble, a disastrous fire
took place in St. John's in November, 18 16, and
thousands of people were rendered homeless. The
Imperial Parliament granted ^10,000 to relieve the dis-
tress, and the merchants of Boston most generously sent
a cargo of provisions, which arrived in the nick of time.

A committee of the House of Commons was appointed
to enquire into the state of the trade in Newfoundland
in 1 8 17. Their report, dated June i6th of that year,
forms most interesting reading. Many merchants in-
terested in the Newfoundland trade were examined.
The principal reasons vouchsafed for the prevalent
distress were, first, the competition from the French,
who gave large bounties on fish ; and second, the in-
creased duties on British fish in Spain and Italy. The
remedy proposed was that a bounty of two shillings
per quintal should be given on all fish exported from
Newfoundland so long as the French should continue to
give bounties.

The picture drawn of the distress in Newfoundland,
both from the personal experience of the testators and
from letters received from Newfoundland, is pitiable.
These were undoubtedly some of Newfoundland's darkest
days.

But the evidence which interests us most at this time
is that given by Mr, George Kemp as to the American
fishery prior to the war of 181 2, and the view then
taken of their rights under the Treaty of 1783. Mr.

360 LABRADOR

Kemp was a merchant of Poole, largely interested in the
Newfoundland trade, and had resided there for many-
years.

Being questioned as to the size of the American
fishery, he made the statement, which originated in the
protest of the St. John's merchants in 1809, that he had
heard there were 1500 vessels employed, but did not
think it credible. He referred to regulations which had
been made \.o prevetit the Americans coming near to the
coast of Nezvfoundland, which they had endeavoured to
do, as it greatly facilitated their export of fish. He
did not think this illicit business of the Americans had
been as great as that of the present French fishery
which was duly authorized.

Being asked if the Americans employed vessels in
the fishery on the French coast as well as on the other
coasts of Newfoundland, he stated that they were not
allowed to come round to that part of the French coast
on the front of the island, but understood that their
fishery was carried on principally in the Straits of Belle
Isle, and on what is called the back part of Newfound-
land, but their privilege of fishing was ahvays guarded
by being kept at a suitable distance off the coast. That
communication with that part of the coast was not
frequent, and ships employed by the Government
would not go round so often to prevent their fishing
there as in other parts. On the front of the island
they were more easily discovered by His Majesty's
vessels.

We have already heard from other sources that the
Americans gave all their attention to the Labrador
fishery, but it appears from Mr. Kemp's evidence that
attempts had been made by them to come into the
inshore waters and use the shores of Newfoundland

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 361

in order to facilitate the export of fish. That such
attempts were prevented, and that they were always
kept at a suitable distance from the coast, is most
valuable evidence that the term " coasts of Newfound-
land " was strictly interpreted at that time.

The temporary permission of 1817 was renewed again
for the season of 1 818. Capt. Shiffner, of H.M.S. Drake,
who was stationed on the Labrador coast, reported that
no less than four hundred American vessels had been
on that coast during the season. He found that they
were continually exceeding the privileges given them,
by trespassing in occupied bays and harbours. He had
warned off six vessels which he had found so trespassing,
but was informed that when he left they returned to the
places from which he had sent them.

On the Newfoundland coasts two vessels only were
reported, the schooners Hannah and Juno, which were
found carrying on a whale fishery in Hermitage and
St. Mary's Bays, and having taken some whales had
gone into occupied harbours, and even landed, for
the purpose of trying out the fat. They were seized
by H.M.S. Egeria and sent to St, John's under prize
crews. The Ju7io soon arrived there, and was very
leniently dealt with, being released with a caution. The
Hannah did not put in her appearance, having been
retaken by the captain and two mates, and the prize
crew sent on shore in a boat.^

The Legislature of Novia Scotia, in 1818, prepared
an elaborate protest against the renewal of any fishing
privileges to Americans, particularly contending against

^ Sir Charles Hamilton wrote to Earl Bathurst, August 28th, 1818, in-
forming him of the capture of these two vessels, and saying that he
intended to release them after exacting an engagement from their captains
to leave the Bays and Harboins of Newfoundland and not to return, or to
use the shore for purposes connected with the fishing.

362 LABRADOR

the use of the Gut of Canso by American vessels bound
to the Gulf of St Lawrence and Labrador. A copy-
was sent to the Acting Governor of Newfoundland,
Capt. Bowker, asking for a joint protest to be sent from
there ; but as the Newfoundland merchants had already-
made their protest, no further action seems to have
been taken at that time,

June 20, 18 1 8.

Copy of Memorial from Council and Assembly of Nova
Scotia to Lord DalJiousie.

To His Excellency Lieutenant General the Right Hon.
George Earl of Dalhousie, Baron Dalhousie, of Dal-
housie Castle, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honour-
able Military Order of the Bath, Lieutenant Governor
and Commander-in-Chief in and over His Majesty's
Province of Nova Scotia and its Dependencies, etc.

The Address of His Majesty's Council and the House of the
Assembly.

May it please Your Excellency

That His Majesty's subjects, the people of this
province, anxiously hope that His Majesty's Government
will take effectual steps to prevent foreign fishing vessels from
resorting under any pretence to the harbours, rivers, creeks
and bays on the sea coast of Novia Scotia and such parts of
the shores of the Bay of Fundy as are within His Majesty's
Dominions, and of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Prince Edward
Island, Cape Breton and the Magdalen Islands, the Labrador
Shore and the Straits of Belle Isle, and also to prohibit them
from taking fish of any kind within the said harbours, bays, rivers
and creeks, or upon the banks and shores contiguous thereto.

Whatever right foreigners may have to take fish in the
open waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the people of this
province conceive they cannot have a right to enter the said

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 363

Gulf through the narrow strait or passage which separates
Nova Scotia from Cape Breton, it being unquestionably a
part of the territory of the Crown, into which foreigners can
have no right to enter, as it is an arm of the sea extending in
length between both shores about twenty-one miles and in
width not more than one mile in the widest part, and about
half a mile in the narrowest part, and foreigners if excluded
from this inlet can have no right to complain, as they have
free access into the said Gulf through the open sea that lies
between Cape Breton and Newfoundland, and the people of
this province consider the Straits of Belle Isle in like manner
the exclusive property of the Crown.

That His Majesty's subjects the people of this Province
are of opinion that foreigners can have no more right to pass
into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, or into the Bay of Fundy for
the purpose of taking fish therein, or within the line which
separates the territory of His Majesty's in the last-mentioned
Bay from the territory of the United States than His Majesty's
subjects have a right to pass into the Bay of Chesapeake or
Bay of Delaware for the purpose of taking fish.

That British fishermen are in a great measure excluded
from the most valuable fisheries on the Labrador shore under
pretence of exclusive privileges which the North West Com-
pany and other Companies and individuals claim under
certain pretended leases made to them by His Majesty's
Government in Lower Canada, whereby they monopolize the
exclusive right of Hunting and Fishing on a vast extent of the
Labrador shore, and under Colour of these unjust monopolies
foreigners obtain the liberty of hunting and fishing on these
shores to the exclusion of His Majesty's subjects, and the
same evil arises from the improvident grants which have been
made of the Magdalen Islands.

That since the last peace with the United States of America,
foreign fishing vessels resort as they did before the War to
the Harbours, Rivers and Creeks on the Labrador shore in
numbers so far exceeding the British Fishing Vessels that

364 LABRADOR

British subjects can only fish there at the will and pleasure of
foreigners, they being unable to resist their superior force and
numbers.

That foreign vessels also resort to all the other Harbours,
Rivers and Creeks on the sea coast of British North America
the same as they did previous to the last war with the United
States, which is totally subversive of the rights of His Majesty
and destructive of the best interests of His subjects.

We pray Your Excellency to move His Majesty's Govern-
ment for such instructions as will clearly describe what are
the rights of the Crown as touching the premises, and the
course to be pursued to prevent foreigners from infringing
such rights, and on behalf of the people of this Province, we
engage they will use their utmost endeavours to maintain and
defend the same.

We also pray Your Excellency to call the attention of His
Majesty's Government, and the Governor General of the
North American Colonies to the destructive monopolies
claimed on the Labrador shore, and the improvident grants
made of the Magdalen Islands, so that proper steps may be
taken to remove all impediments to the fishery of His
Majesty's subjects under such Rules and Regulations as His
Majesty's Government may think proper to establish.

And we further pray Your Excellency to request the
Admirals Commanding in Chief on the North American and
Newfoundland stations to use their best endeavours to ex-
clude foreigners from the Fisheries which belong exclusively
to British subjects, and to prevent every infringement of
the Maritime and Territorial rights of His Majesty's North
American Colonies.

In the behalf of the Council,

(Signed) S. S. Blowers, President.
A true copy.

(Signed) Henry H. Cogswell, D. Secy.

In behalf of the House of Assembly,

(Signed) S. B. Robie, Speaker.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 365

This fact cannot be too strongly accentuated, that
during the long period of thirty-five years, from 1783 to
1 8 18, there is no account of American vessels fishing
in the bays and harbojirs of Newfoundland, except
the two whalers above mentioned. Nor is there any
evidence to be found that they even took advantage,
to any extent, of their privileges of fishing on " the
coasts of Newfoundland, such as British fishermen shall
use." This is not surprising, when it is considered that
at that period the Americans were freely permitted to
fish in the bays, harbours, and creeks of the other British
provinces, that their route was always through the Gut
of Canso, thus affording an easy approach to the west
and northern shores of the Gulf of St, Lawrence,
and thence to the practically virgin fishing grounds
of Labrador. Mr. Kemp's evidence in 18 17 makes it
clear that they were reported on the west coast of the
island only, that His Majesty's ships were employed
in keeping them at a suitable distance off the coast,
and that any approach thereto was considered illegal.

Negotiations for a renewal of the fishing privileges
to the Americans were continued, until finally a Con-
vention was signed in London in 181 8, which renewed
in part the liberty they had formerly enjoyed.

Article i of this Convention reads in part : —

" The inhabitants of the United States shall have for
ever, in common with the subjects of His Britanick
Majesty, the liberty to take fish of every kind on that
part of the southern coast of Newfoundland from Cape
Ray to the Ramea Islands, on the western and northern
coast of Newfoundland from the said Cape Ray to
Quirpon Islands, on the Shores of the Magdalen Islands,
and also on the coasts, bays, harbours, and creeks from
Mount Joly on the southern coast of Labrador, to and

366 LABRADOR

through the Straits of Belle Isle, and thence north-
wardly indefinitely along the coast, without prejudice,
however, to any of the exclusive rights of the Hudson
Bay Company ; and that the American fishermen shall
also have liberty for ever to dry and cure fish in any
of the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of the
southern part of the coast of Newfoundland, hereabove
described, and of the coasts of Labrador."

Volumes have been written as to the correct meaning
of the above clause, and it will be a relief to all con-
cerned to have a definite interpretation given to it by
the Hague Tribunal, to which the question has now
been referred.

It is naturally impossible here to enter upon any
lengthy explanation of the various contentions which
have been advanced by both sides as to the meaning of
this Treaty, but it is thought necessary to state as shortly
as possible what the principal British claims are: —

1. That the right was given to bona fide inhabitants
of the United States only.

2. That the inhabitants of the United States using
the privileges granted to them are bound to abide by
the regulations made for the conduct of the fisheries
by the sovereign power.

3. That the terms " coasts of Newfoundland," " shores
of the Magdalen Islands," and " coasts, bays, harbours,
and creeks" of Labrador have a distinct meaning, and
that under the first term a purely coast fishery only
is intended, and does not give any right to fish in bays
or arms of the sea in Newfoundland,

It is a curious circumstance that each one of these
contentions has been either admitted or contended by
the United States when it suited their purpose so to do.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 367

At the Halifax Fishery Commission in 1877, Ameri-
can counsel argued persistently for contentions i and 3.
Then the United States were being assessed for the
value of the privilege of free fishing given by the
Treaty of Washington, 1871, and they claimed that
the bill should be lessened, because large numbers of
Nova Scotians went each year to Gloucester and
shipped as crews on United States vessels 07i shares.
They claimed also that they should not be assessed for
the Newfoundland frozen herring fishery because they
did not avail themselves of the privilege of taking
herring themselves, but always bought the herring, that
the fishery was essentially a strand fishery, and the
Treaty of 18 18 did not permit them to go ashore and
seine herring. They claimed the herring fishery at the
Magdalen Islands as a right under the Treaty of 18 18,
because they were by that Treaty permitted to use the
" shores " of the Magdalen Islands.

In respect to contention 2, American fishermen have
been again and again instructed to respect local fishery
laws when made for the bona fide protection of the
fishery, particularly in March, 1856, by letter from the
Department of State, Washington, to the Collector of
Customs at Boston, and again by Secretary Bayard in
the same year. On this point it is interesting to note
the early instructions given to officers of His Majesty's
ships on the Fishery Protection Service.

When the first Circuit Court started for the Labrador
in August, 1826, Governor Holloway wrote as follows
to Captain Patterson, the newly appointed Judge for
that district : —

" At the same time that I recommend the most con-
ciliatory and friendly conduct on the part of yourself
and all attached to your Court or under your authority.

368 LABRADOR

towards the subjects of the United States whilst en-
gaged in the fishery secured to them by the Treaty,
you will bear in mind that whilst they are employed
within your jurisdiction they are equally amenable to
the laws with any of His Majesty's subjects, and that
the same measure of Justice is to be dealt to them as
to any others infringing the rights of individuals or
disturbing the public peace."

On comparing the Treaties of 1783 and 181 8, it will be
noticed that no reference is made in the latter to the ob-
vious right of the United States to the open sea fisheries,
and that the liberty to take fish on the coasts of New-
foundland was not qualified by the words " such as the
British fishermen shall use," but the said coasts were
carefully delineated, and instead of being such parts
of the coast as were particularly reserved for British
fishermen, were principally those parts of the island
on which the French had a concurrent right of fishery.

No one reading these treaties, the protests made
against them, and instructions for their enforcement,
can suppose that the different expressions used, in
describing the various localities, were purely fortuitous.

The Bays, Harbours, Creeks, and Rivers of Newfound-
land ivere carefully resei'ved, as were also the rivers
of Labrador.

If the term "Coast of Newfoundland" includes
" Bays, Harbours, and Creeks," it can also be made to
include rivers and lakes, which is a reductio ad
absurdui?i.

It is interesting in this discussion to note the letter
of President Monroe to the Secretary of State, June
2ist, 1815. He says: "It is sufficient to observe here
that the right of the United States to take fish on the
Coast of Newfoundland, and on the coasts, bays, and

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 369

creeks of all other His Britannic Majesty's dominions
in America, and to dry and cure fish in any of the un-
settled bays, harbours, and creeks of Nova Scotia,
Magdalen Islands, and Labrador," etc., which proves
conclusively that he thoroughly understood that their
rights in Newfoundland waters were more restricted
than in the other Provinces. Also, it is somewhat
mortifying to find that the Americans were prepared to
accept less than they obtained. The letter of instruc-
tions from the Secretary of State to Messrs. Gallatin
and Rush of July 28th, 1818, reads : —

" The President authorizes you to agree to an article
whereby the United States will desist from the liberty
of fishing and curing and drying fish within British
Jurisdiction generally upon condition that it shall be
secured as a permanent right, not liable to be impaired
by any future war, from Cape Ray to the Rameau
Islands, and from Mount Joli on the Labrador Coast,
through the Strait of Belle Isle, indefinitely north
along the coast ; the right to extend as well to curing
and drying the fish as to fishing."

Immediately after the signing of the Convention of
1 81 8, United States vessels began to flock to Labrador,
where they had full permission to use the in-shore fish-
eries and to dry their fish upon land ; the more liberal
privileges granted on this coast being undoubtedly the
reason for the fishery there being more actively pursued
than in Newfoundland waters.

Captain H. Robinson, of H.M.S. Favourite, on the
Fishery Protection Service in 1820, kept a private
journal while on the coast, abstracts from which were
printed in the journal of the Royal Geographical Society.
Respecting the Labrador fisheries, he says : —
2 B

370 LABRADOR

" The American fishermen sail from all the northern
ports of the Union. As nearly as could be computed
there were 530 sail of them this year, generally
schooners, but some few brigs and sloops, and manned
with crews of nine to thirteen men. Eleven would be
a full average, giving 5830 as the number of men em-
ployed. One hundred quintals of fish per man is a full
average of their catch, with oil in the proportion of one
ton to every three hundred quintals. The Americans
clean their fish on board, and thus leave the coast early.
They use much salt, and their fish is considered inferior
to our best. They are expert and industrious fisher-
men, generally preferring the northern part of the
coast, but following the fish wherever they are to be
found. They receive a bounty from their Government
in the shape of a drawback on the salt used, and they
fish in shares ; a merchant in America furnishing the
vessel and one-third of the boats, nets, lines, and salt ;
the crew furnishing their own provisions (which are of a
very frugal description), and the remaining two-thirds
of the boats, nets, lines, and salt. They divide in the
same proportions, and the system is said to answer
well."

That Captain Robinson was not an accurate observer,
or that the editor of his journal was very careless, the
very next paragraph clearly indicates. It reads : —

" The French are much less successful fishermen, and
do not very much frequent the Labrador shore, though
they have some permanent stations on it."

This is absolutely incorrect, for after 1763 the French
never had the right of fishing on the Labrador coast,
and captains of His Majesty's ships on the station
were always particularly instructed to guard against

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 371

any encroachments there. It seems impossible that
Captain Robinson could have made the mistake, so
we must attribute it to his editor.

The Colonial Records of 18 19 state that no United
States vessels had availed themselves of their privileges
on the Newfoundland coast, but that on the Labrador
they had carried on the fishery with great spirit. In
1820 the same observation is made, with additional par-
ticulars of the same tenor as those quoted above, which
were no doubt furnished by Capt. Robinson. Troubles
between British and American fishermen immediately
arose. In 1820 the merchants of St. John's presented a
memorial to the Governor complaining that they had
been interrupted in the fishery carried on by them at
various rivers and harbours on the Labrador by the
Americans, and asked for redress. In 1820 Samuel
Gordon, fishing at Chimney Tickle, complained that an
American had invaded his harbour and sailed through
his nets, causing him considerable loss.

In 1820 Admiral Sir Chas. Hamilton, Governor of
Newfoundland, issued a proclamation forbidding stran-
gers to lay down their nets within three miles either
way of the rivers or entrances of harbours in which pro-
prietary interest had been established by long usage.
It is not recorded that he consulted Washington before
taking the step.

Complaint was made in 182 1 that the Americans
fishing at Greenly and Wood Islands, in the Straits of
Belle Isle, were injuring the fisheries b}^ throwing gurry
and offal overboard on the fishing grounds. The Captain
of the man-of-war on the station was requested to check
the grievance.

The same year an act of piracy was committed by the
crew of the Newfoundland schooner Maria, fishing at

372 LABRADOR

Chateau. They seized the vessel and cargo, and sailed
off for the States in company with some American
vessels which were fishing there at the same time.
These Americans were accused of aiding and abetting
the absconders by supplying the American flag which
they had hoisted, and also by giving them a pilot to
take charge of the vessel. The English Ambassador
at Washington was requested to endeavour to have the
pirates and their assistants arrested. For some reason
unexplained, the number of American vessels on the
Labrador was not so great as usual that year.

The merchants again felt the force of the American
competition. In 1822 they presented a memorial to the
Governor saying that the Treaty with America, con-
cluded October 20th, 1818, had prostrated all their hopes,
and rendered the return to their former prosperity for-
ever impossible. The remedy they asked for was that
St, John's should be made a free port, which was
granted.

The Governor, Sir Chas. Hamilton, reports in 1823
as follows : —

" The subjects of the United States continue to prose-
cute their fishery along the coast of Labrador with great
perseverance ; but it may be proper, as so much stress
has been laid upon the concession made to that people
by the Convention of October 20, 1818, and the fatal
effects likely to result from it, to repeat what I have
before stated to your Lordships, that the Americans
never yet (that I have been able to learn) availed them-
selves of the privilege granted them of drying and
curing their fish on the unsettled harbours of New-
foundland between Cape Ray and Ramea Islands, nor
have I understood that they have any vessels on that
coast."

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 373

A curious controversy arose about this time between
the French and the Americans in respect to their rights
in Newfoundland waters. French cruisers had ordered
United States vessels from the western coast of New-
foundland, and when the American Ambassador pro-
tested against this action, the French replied claiming
an exclusive right of fishing on that part of the coast.
They also pleaded that the United States by treaty in
1778, and again in 1800, had agreed not to interrupt
the French in pursuit of the fisheries to which they had
been long entitled. These treaties, however, had been
abrogated by the United States, and the American
Ambassador replied that the French had only a con-
current right with the English, in which the Americans
were also to share.

Sir Charles Hamilton, commenting on this cor-
respondence, stated that in his opinion the cod fishery
on the coast remained as much a right of both parties
(English and French) as that of the Grand Banks.
He was of opinion, however, that the English should
not interfere with the French on shore by erecting
stages or flakes. He stated that the coast was little
used by any nation, and was immaterial to the United
States, which enjoyed so much better fishing stations
on the south coast, and also on the productive and
extensive Labrador.

It is difficult to ascertain from American sources
the extent of the Labrador fishing industry after this
time. Newburyport seems to have been the centre
of the industry, and to have had as many as sixty
vessels employed in it at various periods from 18 18
to i860. Other New England towns had from two
to four vessels which went to Labrador. In 1827 the
Admiral in command of the fleet in Newfoundland

374 LABRADOR

reported that about 1600 American vessels with 12,000
to 14,000 men had been fishing in the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and on the coast of Labrador ; 400 of them
had dried their fish on the Magdalen Islands by-
agreement with the people, which he pointed out was
entirely contrary to the treaty. The business is
said to have been at its height about 1840, and then
to have declined rapidly, until in 1870 not a single
vessel sailed for that coast Not that the fisheries
had failed, for there is no instance of a vessel having
returned without a paying cargo. The fish were
taken principally by seines. Some of it was made
on the coast and shipped from there to market, and
some was brought to the States to be cured and
dried. Bilbao was the principal market, for which
reason the fish was generally known as Bilbao fish.^

As the average exportation of codfish from the
States for thirty years, 18 18 to 1848, was only 250,000
quintals, and the Grand Bank was always the principal
fishing ground, it will be seen that the estimates of
500,000 to 600,000 as the American Labrador catch
were probably greatly in excess of the actual quantity.

In John MacGregor's British America it is stated
that in 1829 there were 500 American vessels and
15,000 men fishing on the Labrador, and that their

^ From an Inquiry into the Fresetti State of Tf'ade in Newfoundland,
1825, we learn that the admission of American citizens into tlie British
fisheries was one of the chief causes assigned for the then depression in trade.
''Amoicans have many advantages over British fisliermen ; tliey obtain
their outfits at a cheaper rate ; tliey have certain local encouragements
in the way of bounties ; they have a home market for their fish ; they
have the means of employment during the winter, and are not compelled
to charge the expenses of the whole year upon the labour of a few months
in the fishing season — advantages more than sufiicienr. to counterljalance
the facilities of our local situation." The Americans are represented as
standing by, watching the decline of England's oldest colony with glee,
intending to reap great advantage from her ruin.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 375

catch amounted to 1,100,000 quintals cod and 3000 tons
of oil. But this is palpably very much over-estimated.

We learn from the report of Elias Rendell, who
was sent to collect duties on the Labrador in 1840,
that a great deal of smuggling was carried on between
the American and Newfoundland vessels, especially in
bad rum. In the same year Captain Milne, H.M.S.
Crocodile, on the Fishery Protection Service, reported
that there were about a hundred American vessels
fishing between Black Islands (lat. 54°), and Blanc
Sablon. He also reports that a large amount of
smuggling was done between the American and New-
foundland vessels, and urges that more vessels be
sent upon the Fishery Protection Service.

In 1852 Captain Cochrane, H.M.S. Sappho, reported
that the number of American vessels on the coast
was fewer than usual, probably about 150, and that
they fished principally about Sandwich Bay and
Cape Harrison. Mr. J. Finlay, of the Newfoundland
Fishery Protection Service, in the same year said : —

" The number of vessels belonging to the United
States, as well as the neighbouring provinces, every
year engaged in trading on the coast of Labrador
is immense, and their dealings to an almost incredible
extent. The resident population on these coasts draw
their supplies principally from these traders, whilst
the transient fishermen have an opportunity to dispose
of their produce with great advantage to themselves.
These adventurers have now monopolized the entire
trading business ; they pay neither duties nor taxes
of any description, although they unquestionably come
within the jurisdiction of this Government. I would
beg leave to bring to the notice of the Executive the
great necessity of appointing Magistrates for the coast

376 LABkADOR

of Labrador, who shall also be duly invested with
power to collect duties,"

The great ornithologist, Audubon, spent the summer
of 1833 on the Labrador side of the Straits of Belle
Isle. Passing through the Straits of Canso he saw
twenty odd sail of American schooners bound for
Labrador. At Bras d'Or, later in the season, there
were 150 sail of vessels, Nova Scotian and American.
He estimated that the Americans were the most
numerous on the coast, and mentions that Eastport,
Maine, sent out a goodly fleet each year.

No definite reason has been given for the decline of
the American fishery on the Labrador coast. G. Brown-
Goode offers the following explanation : —

" Two reasons for the abandonment of these grounds
by American vessels are mentioned :

" I. The demand in American markets for larger fish
than can be found on the Labrador coast ; the exportation
of salt codfish, for which the small fish were formerly
preferred, having fallen into the hands of the British
provinces and Norway.

" 2. The introduction of trawling upon the off-shore
grounds, which has been accomplished by improvements
in the fishing vessels, the capture of larger fish, and in an
increase of skill and daring on the part of our fishermen,
so that it is now unnecessary for our fleet to go so far
from home, or engage in voyages when the vessels He in
harbour while fishing, since fares of higher-priced fish can
be readily obtained on the banks lying off our coast."

A few United States vessels have frequented the
Labrador coasts in recent years, but the fishing carried
on by them is quite unimportant.

AMERICANS ON THE LABRADOR 377

The important trade in frozen herring, which is carried
on in the long arms of the sea of Bay of Islands and
Bonne Bay, had its origin in an almost accidental
occurrence. Previous to 1854, the year of the Recipro-
city Treaty, which gave to the Americans the unrestricted
right to use all British waters, the frozen herring trade
was unknown. In that year, an adventurous skipper,
Capt. Harry Smith, of Gloucester, decided to make a
winter voyage to Rose Blanche, on the south coast of
Newfoundland, to endeavour to get a load of fresh
halibut, which he had been told could be procured there
without difficulty. But finding halibut very scarce, he
made up his cargo with cod and about 80,000 frozen
herrings.

When he arrived at Gloucester he sold some small
quantities of herring to three bankers who were just
getting ready to sail, and sent the balance to Boston to
be sold for food. The three vessels were wonderfully
successful, and returned in eight or nine days with large
catches of cod.

The advantage of having bait for the early trips to
the banks was so apparent, that arrangements were
made next season for a larger supply, and four vessels
were fitted out for the purpose. The supply of frozen
herring brought by them was eagerly sought for by the
banking fleet, and its efficacy as bait was firmly
established.

The industry immediately began to grow rapidly, and
while the fish were always saleable for food purposes, their
chief value was as bait for the early banking trips.

Fortune Bay and Placentia Bay were for many years
the centre of this industry, and it was only after the
herring began to fail in those bays that vessels
resorted to Bay of Islands and Bonne Bay, where it is

378 LABRADOR

now principally carried on. The custom which has been
always pursued, is for the vessels seeking cargoes to go
to the bays which the herring frequent and there
purchase their loads from the local fishermen. The
method of taking the herring has been almost invariably
by gill nets — purse seining and other plans for taking
them being found to be so destructive and improvident
that laws were made, very early in the history of the
fishery, forbidding their use.

So far as is known, the only occasion upon which
American crews endeavoured to take their own herring
was in Fortune Bay in 1877. By the treaty of 187 1, the
Americans had a perfect right to take herring in the
inshore waters of Fortune Bay, but had never exercised
that right. On this occasion herring were very scarce,
and twenty or thirty American vessels were waiting
impatiently for their appearance. At last, on a Sunday,
the herring were seen schooling into Long Harbour,
which was the principal fishing ground. The laws of
Newfoundland forbade fishing on Sunday, and the local
fishermen would not put out their nets. The American
captains then determined to man their own seines, but
on attempting to do so the Newfoundland fishermen
forcibly prevented them, cutting the nets and turning the
fish loose. It is unnecessary to rehearse the long dispute
which followed this breach of the peace, which was
finally adjusted by compromise, neither side waiving the
rights which they had claimed.

No record can be found of United States vessels
frequenting the inshore waters of Newfoundland prior
to the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854. The permission
then granted is now claimed as a right, and is one of
the principal points to be submitted for the decision of
the Hague Tribunal,

CHAPTER XVI

THE BRITISH FISHERIES ON LABRADOR

IN writing this chapter, dealing principally with the
British fisheries on the Labrador coast, it will be
necessary to repeat some facts and incidents which
have appeared in other chapters ; but the import-
ance of giving a connected history of this industry
seems so great, that this minor fault will, it is hoped, be
pardoned.

We can be fairly positive that while Labrador was
abandoned to the French from 171 3 to 1763, no English
fishing vessels frequented the coast. But the instant
it became a British possession, steps were taken to
induce the ship-fishers from Great Britain to continue
the fishery in the Straits of Belle Isle which the French
had found so profitable, and to explore the virgin fishing
grounds on the east coast.

Palliser's proposals were admirable for the end he had
in view — the encouragement of the fishery from England
in order that a supply of seamen might be available for
the Navy — and we learn from the reply of the Merchant
Adventurers to him in 1767, that they purposed to
pursue the fishery on the coast with spirit. The copy
of this document at the Record Office is endorsed : —

" Signed by Twenty Five Ship Adventurers in Labra-
dor, in behalf of themselves and their partners at

379

380 LABRADOR

Bristol, Dartmouth, Exeter, Teign mouth, Pool, and
London, August, 1767."

\yrit is a matter of regret that the names of these first
adventurers are not given.

In Sir Hugh Palliser's " Remarks on the State of the
Newfoundland Fishery," dated December i8th, 1765,
is found the following information about Labrador: —

" On the fishery on the Coast of Labrador only was
employed 1 17 Sloops and Schooners with 1563 men, who
killed 104 whales, which yielded on an average 140 barrels
of oil and 2000 lbs, of good bone, all killed within a
space of 30 leagues, and between the 14th of May and
the loth of July. The winter Seal fishery, on the same
coast, carried on by 107 men, yielded 500 tons of oil
besides fur, and the furs from the Indians was very
considerable, so that the value of the Whale, Seal,
Salmon, and Furs, upon that part of the coast only,
was, at a moderate computation, ;^ioo,ooo, and not one
Old English Ship or seaman employed therein, nor a
seaman raised thereby for the service of the Fleet."

These whale fishers were New Englanders, and the
seal fishers the French Canadians who continued in
their posts after the English occupation.

It evidently rankled in Palliser's ardent soul that such
a splendid nursery for seamen for the Navy should be
entirely lost. Hence the enthusiasm with which he set
about opening it up to the ship-fishers from England,
and hence the rules and regulations made by him for
their especial benefit.

These regulations will be found in the Appendix to a
previous chapter. They were not authorized by Act of
Parliament, but had all the force of law, and, as we shall
learn later, law-suits were decided by them as late as

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 381

1820. Yet almost from the beginning some of its
provisions were openly disregarded.
The first clause reads as follows : —

" That no inhabitants of Newfoundland, no By-
Boatkeeper, nor any person from any of the Colonies,
shall on any pretence whatever go to the Coast of
Labradore. And if any such be found there, they shall
be corporally punished for their first offence, and the
second time their boats shall be seized for the public
use of British ship-fishers upon that Coast."

In the returns for the Labrador fishery 1766, it is
stated that there were three fishing ships from England
which took 8500 quintals of fish ; and that eight fishing
ships and forty-one boats came from Newfoundland and
secured 8900 quintals ; that they had left boats, gear, and
winter crews on the coast intending to return the follow-
ing year. 10,422 seals were shipped from Labrador in
this year.

In 1767 the returns state that there were eighteen
fishing ships from England and nine from Newfound-
land. They secured 24,690 quintals codfish and 13,136
seals. The catch of salmon was very small, 45 tierces
only.

It does not appear, therefore, that Palliser's threaten-
ing regulation was very rigidly enforced.

In 1769 the number of fishing ships was reduced to
nine, and no mention is made of vessels from New-
foundland.

Lieut. Curtis reported in 1772 that many Newfound-
land vessels and boats took codfish upon the Labrador
coast, which was afterwards cured in Newfoundland.
He recommended that they should be encouraged to
settle there, to off-set the New Englanders. About 9920

382 LABRADOR

quintals of codfish were taken in 1772, and 173 people
remained on the coast during the winter.

The following particulars of the Labrador fishery were
reported by the Naval Office on the station in 1773 : —

8 fishing ships from Great Britain.

10,000 quintals of Codfish taken.

265 tierces of Salmon.

283 men remained on the coast all winter for the Seal

fishing.
;^23,o23 value of Seal Oil.

Jeremiah Coughlan, whose principal station was at
Fogo, stated that he was the first to establish a seal-
ing station on the Labrador, " induced thereto by his
good friend, Commodore Palliser." With the excep-
tion, of course, of the French -Canadians found by
the English in possession of the greater portion of
the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Straits
of Belle Isle, We have already heard how Coughlan
afterwards went into partnership with Cartwright and
Lucas, and later separated from them, but still con-
tinued to carry on several establishments, one of them
in 1777 being "sixty miles north of the Mealey Moun-
tains," probably in the neighbourhood of Indian Har-
bour, but possibly in Hamilton Inlet. The principal
firm on the Labrador at this time was Noble and
Pinson, the partners being Mr. John Noble, of Bristol,
and Mr. Andrew Pinson, of Dartmouth. I have not
ascertained when they began business on the Labrador,
but their trade was well established and flourishing in
1 77 1, when they applied for a grant of Temple Bay, at
which time they had four ships and a hundred and fifty
men employed. They were great rivals of George
Cartwright, and were evidently too much for that in-

fc

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 383

genuous pioneer. His aspersions of them appear to
have been well merited. They also lost heavily by the
American privateers, and again in 1796 at the hands
of the French under Admiral Richery ; but in 1818,
when Lieut. Chappell visited the coast, they were once
more flourishing, having establishments at Lance-a-loup,
Temple Bay, and Sandwich Bay. The managing
partner was a Mr. Pinson, who had spent twenty
years on coast.

Cartwright also mentions in his diary the following
firms : Adam Lymburner, of Quebec, who was the
first to go into Hamilton Inlet furring and trading ;
Coughlan and Hooper ; Slade and Co. ; B. Lester and
Co. ; our old friend Mr. Nicholas Darby ; and Thomas,
whose firm name I have not ascertained. Several of
these firms continued honourable careers well on into
the nineteenth century.

In 1807 the Lymburner mentioned by Cartwright, or
a descendant, associated with several others, acquired
by purchase the seignorial rights from Gagnish to
Blanc Sablon. They were known as "The Labrador
Company," which terminated its career in a celebrated
lawsuit lasting many years, being fought through every
court in Canada, and finally going to the Privy Council.

The Jersey firms, who had been from the earliest
times largely interested in the Newfoundland trade,
were among the first to embark extensively in the
fishery in the Straits. The most important of them
was De Ouetteville and Co., having three or four
stations. Le Boutillier Brothers v/ere also prominent
at an early date.

In 1775 it was stated that there were a hundred
British vessels occupied in the fisheries on the coast of
Labrador.

384 LABRADOR

From the Report of the Lords of the Committee of
the Privy Council for Trade, dated March 17th, 1786,
we gather that the English merchants interested in the
Newfoundland trade, whose evidence had been taken,
desired that the fishing on the coast of Labrador might
be under the same regulations, and receive the same
encouragement as that of Newfoundland. A request
which the Committee fully endorsed, " As the Labrador
Coast was included in the Commission of the Governor
of Newfoundland," thus ignoring altogether the fact
that Labrador at that time was under the jurisdiction
of Quebec. Their recommendation was not accepted.
The Act passed in that year made no reference to
Labrador, and the bounties offered were payable only
to the ship-fishers from Great Britain fishing on the
banks, and drying their fish on the south or east coast
of Newfoundland.

George Cartwright's evidence before the Committee
of the House of Commons in 1793, contains the in-
formation that prior to 1770 the intercourse between
Great Britain and Labrador was very inconsiderable,
and was not very important at that present time. But
he admitted that it had latterly been very remunerative,
returning him lOO per cent for his interest there for the
last three years.

So little was known of the northern part of the coast
at this time, that we find instructions given to Governor
Elliott in 1786, "to direct the officer appointed to visit
Labrador, to search and explore the great Inlet, com-
monly known as Davis's Inlet, in order to discover
whether the same has or has not any passage to Hud-
son's Bay or any other enclosed sea." He was also
to make a particular report on the whale and sea-cow
fisheries, and obtain such other information as may

THE BRITISH FISHERIES

385

serve to convey a perfect understanding of the fisheries
on the coast.

I have been unable to find that such voyage of ex-
ploration was ever made.

In the Returns of the seal and salmon fishery on
the Labrador for 1784-5, the firm of Lymburner and
Grant are reported with sealing posts from Little
Mecatina to Black Bay, employing 100 men, and taking
13,425 seals. Slade and Company had stations at
Battle and Fox Harbours, employing 16 men and
taking 2300 seals. Dean and Company at St. Francis,
with 9 men, taking 2100 seals, and Noble and Pinson
at Lance-a-loup, Temple Bay, Seal Island, Cape Charles,
and Spear Harbour, employing 48 men and securing
4300 seals. The value of this fishery was estimated as
follows : —

22,125 seals producing 553 tons of oil at;^22
22,125 skins at 4s.

;^I2,l66

4425
^16,591

The return of the salmon fishery is as follows : —

tierces.

River au Saumon, Simon du Bois

St. Modeste, Noble and Pinson .

Mary Harbour

St. Francis River

Black Bear Bay

Sandwich Cove

Sandwich Bay

2 men
I

19

60
6

26
84
20
80
400

The value of the salmon is stated to be 40s. per
tierce.

During the season of 1785, there were eight fishing
ships from England and eight from America. The catch
of codfish was estimated at 1 3,500 quintals. Winter crews
2 c

386 LABRADOR

to the number of 153 persons remained on the coast
sealing and furring.

In a Return sent in by Governor King in 1792,
Forteau and Blanc Sablon only are mentioned. At
the former place 4 vessels were carrying on the cod
fishery, employing 144 men, and taking 5000 quintals
of fish ; at the latter there were 2 vessels with 6^ men,
whose catch was 2700 quintals — a very poor fishery.
The following remarks appended to the report give a
doleful account of the condition of the poor planters
and fishermen :—

" The coast of Labrador, in the Straits of Belle Isle,
is much in want of some attention from Government.
The planters and furriers, who are numerous, (although
I cannot return how many,) are entirely subject to the
oppression of the merchants, who impose whatever
price they please, and upon any debt however small
being incurred and not being paid upon immediate
demand, the boats and other effects of the debtor are
seized (without any authority for so doing), sold, and
purchased by the creditors for sometimes one-sixth of
their value. The prices upon the coast are enormous
and want great regulation, one hundred weight of
coarse Biscuit being charged to the planter at 30s., and
other provisions in proportion. Man-of-war's slops,
condemned by Government, are bought up by the
merchants of Labrador and sold at a guinea a jacket.
The planters in general I remarked to be sober, hard-
working, industrious men, and worthy of encourage-
ment. It was reported to me by them that some
American vessels, from what port they could not say,
had taken some unwarrantable liberties on the coast,
and drove them from their fisheries before the Echo's
arrival."

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 387

From a letter written by Noble and Pinson in 1794,
we learn that there were nineteen vessels, ten of which
belonged to them, in the Straits that season loading
with fish, oil, and salmon.

The condition of Labrador from 1774 to 1809, while
under Quebec rule, was decidedly anomalous. The
coast was not visited by the ships on the Newfound-
land station with any regularity, and affairs were left
largely to manage themselves. Palliser's regulations
seem to have been nominally kept in force, but " more
honoured in the breach than in the observance." On
several occasions appeals were made to the Governor
of xN'ewfoundland to settle disputes about fishing
stations, which always elicited the pronouncement that
the coast was free to ship-fishers from Great Britain,
and that no vested rights in establishments were per-
mitted save such as pertained to the old Canadian
grants.

Nevertheless the fishery gradually came to be largely
prosecuted by boats and vessels from Newfoundland.
These were at first no doubt properly constituted ship-
fishers from Great Britain, who made their head-quarters
in Newfoundland ports, but latterly they were New-
foundland vessels pure and simple, manned by the
residents of Newfoundland.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the
resident population of Newfoundland had grown to be
quite considerable in spite of all the restraints which
had been devised to prevent it. The island was begin-
ning to be a colony, and not " a ship anchored on the
Banks." The inhabitants had houses, land, and families,
and, one writer says, were so much attached to their
homes that they could with difficulty be persuaded to
make a voyage as sailors to foreign parts. The fishery

388

LABRADOR

carried on by them gradually became more important
than that from Great Britain. At what time this came
to be recognized by the Imperial Government is not
easy to determine.

It has been stated that Palliser's Act (1786) did not
provide for the payment of a bounty on fish caught on
Labrador, This Act expired in 1797, and was renewed
from year to year until 1801. In that year an Act
was passed providing for the payment of a bounty of
3s. per quintal on salted salmon and codfish im-
ported into the United Kingdom from Newfoundland
and Labrador, which bounty was not forfeited if such
salmon or codfish were afterwards exported from
England. The term of this Act was one year only,
but in the following year it was extended until 18 10.
There was one very notable difference between these
Acts and Palliser's. In the earlier Act the bounty was
only payable to ship-fishers from Great Britain, but by
the later Acts it was stipulated only that the fish
should be caught by British subjects — a very important
concession to the colonists.

The following synopsis of reports furnished by naval
commanders on the coast in 1804-5-6, will afford a fair
idea of the size of the fishery at that time.

No of.
vessels.

No. of
boats.

No. of
men.

Seals
taken.

Qtls.
codfish.

Tees,
salmon.

Notes.

IS04

28

120

929

7350

27,400

600

1805

37

157

951

2260

Imperfect.

554

}So6

24

87

656

i6oo(?)

^4,750

420

380 tierces of
salmon at
Indian
Harbour

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 389

The places frequented were Bradore, Lance-au-Loup,
Blanc Sablon, Forteau, Red Bay, Henley Harbour,
Chateau, Miller's Tickle, Pitt's Harbour, Francis Har-
bour, Battle Harbour, Sandwich Bay, and Indian
Harbour. I am doubtful, however, whether the latter
was the place now known by that name.

In 1806 the resident population at these fishery posts
was 489. Some of the firms carrying on this fishery
were : — From England : Noble and Pinson, William
Codner and Company, Grange and Nash, John Slade
and Company, Dormer and Richards, B. Lester and
Company, and Richard Tory. From Jersey : Robert
Berteau, Simon du Bois, Falle and Durrell, L. Kidville
(De Quettville), and Emery and Best. From St. John's :
Skeans and Kersley, J. Widdicomb, John Power, John
Bradbury, and John Cahill. And from Quebec : Lym-
burner and Grant.

Their method of taking fish was by hook and line
only. The American vessels were generally furnished
with large seines, which at times gave considerable
advantage, and was no doubt a principal cause of the
quarrels which were so frequent.

In 1792 the merchants of Harbour Grace, forty-three
in number, petitioned Chief Justice Reeves for a perma-
nent court to be established there. They describe the
supplying trade in which they were principally engaged,
and the difficulty in obtaining judgments against their
dealers, " the boat-keepers or, as they are usually called,
planters, most of them natives of the island who hire
their own servants and plan out their own voyages
independent of the merchant, (except being supplied by
him), which is not the case in many parts where master
and crew are in fact servants to the merchant."

In 1806 some of these same merchants sent a

390 LABRADOR

petition to Sir Erasmus Gower, calling attention to
the lawless acts of Americans on the Labrador, and
asking for protection. They stated that the fishery
in Conception Bay had failed for many years past,
and that it had become necessary for their planters
to go to the northern parts of the Island and
the Labrador in pursuit of codfish, where they came
into contact with the Americans, and were induced by
them to rob their merchants and fly to America.

At this period, therefore, it was the practice for
Newfoundland fishermen in Newfoundland boats and
schooners to be com.monly engaged in the Labrador
fishery, in spite of the regulation which threatened
corporal punishment and the seizure of their boats.

The protests of the St. John's Commercial Body in
1813, and the Nova Scotian Parliament in 181 5, also
bear witness to a considerable fishery carried on both
from Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. In 1813 the
number of Newfoundland vessels going to Labrador
was said to have doubled, no doubt the result of being
relieved from the competition of the Americans by the
war of 18 12.

In 181 1 an Act was passed instituting Surrogate
Courts for Labrador in like manner as for Newfound-
land. Surrogates were either naval officers having a
general jurisdiction over the coast, or local men at the
more important stations, such as Mr. Andrew Pinson at
Temple Bay and Mr. Samuel Prowse at Cape Charles,
who were appointed in 1813. But prior to this, in 18 10,
the naval surrogate visited Blanc Sablon, Forteau, and
other points in the Straits, opening court and hearing
and settling disputes, a proceeding which was appa-
rently not authorized by law, and required to be after-
ward legalized.

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 391

In 1820 an important case was tried before the
Supreme Court in St. John's.

The firm of Philip Beard and Co., of Dartmouth, had
succeeded to the fishing establishment at Sandwich Bay
which had been originally granted to George Cartwright.
As a salmon and seal fishery were both carried on there,
and a fishing ship from England was annually sent out
with supplies according to the proclamation issued by
Governor Shuldham in 1775, their right to the station
was inviolable. In 18 16 they were interfered with both
by Americans and Nova Scotians, and they therefore
applied to the surrogate. Captain Cooksley, for redress,
who issued an order in their favour. As this order was
disregarded. Captain Gordon was sent in 18 19 again
to in^^estigate the circumstances, and again decided in
favou- of Beard. This same year, and again in 1820,
Beard was disturbed by a Nova Scotian named Jennings,
Captan Martin, the surrogate in 1820, was sent by Sir C.
Hamilion to issue new regulations in respect to salmon
fisheries, especially dealing with Sandwich Bay, for the
protectbn of Beard. Arriving at Sandwich Bay, he
ordered Jennings to take up his nets. But here Beard
appears to have committed a breach of the law. He
proceeded himself to execute Captain Martin's order,
removing and keeping Jennings' nets, who forthwith
came to 3t. John's and instituted suit for damages in
the Supreme Court.

The judgment delivered by Chief Justice Forbes is
very interesting. The powers of the surrogates, the
force of proclamations, the vested rights of Beard and
Co., and the rights of the Nova Scotians on the Labra-
dor were all difficult problems. In his judgment, he
said : —

" Let us look at the Code of Regulations for the

392 LABRADOR

fishery and trade on the coast of Labrador, The first
article declares that no inhabitant from Newfoundland,
nor any person from any of the Colonies, shall on any
pretence whatever go to the coast of Labrador ! A
regulation which debars a million of His Majesty's
subjects from the exercise of a common right may well
be called law, and if it be, however penal its provisions,
I am bound to enforce them. Now it is well known that
the principal fisheries at Labrador are actually carried
on by people from this Island ; and I have purposely
put this case, because I wish it to be clearly seen to
what extravagant consequences the principle conterided
for must lead.

" A legislative authority in this government, unkiown
to the laws of England, but claimed under a prescr'ptive
exercise in Newfoundland, is now, for the first time,
sought to be established in this Court. So largfe and
indeed so dangerous an innovation upon the accustomed
principles of adjudication in the Court, ought not to
be passed over unobserved. If the Proclamarion by
which the surrogate is stated to have been governed
be legal, then indeed there can be no doubt that it
is as binding on this Court as it was on the Surrogate
Court/'

But by Statute 49 George III, chapter 27 the laws
of England were made applicable to Newfoundland, and
by Statute 51 George III, chapter 45, they were
extended to Labrador, and by the common law of
England all the King's subjects have a common right
to take fish in arms of the sea, except in such
places where an exclusive right has been granted by
special charter, custom, usage, or prescription. The
exclusive right of Beard v/as not examined into, nor
evidence taken on the matter, and the surrogate ap-

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 393

peared to have considered the point settled by the pro-
clamation.

" All that can be said is that he mistook that for law
which was not law, and so far his judgment was erro-
neous. In giving this opinion, however, I desire to be
understood as not determining any question of right at
Sandwich Bay. . . . As it is in evidence that the nets
are in the defendant's possession . . . and as the jury
have assessed separate damages for the nets, I think I
am bound to give judgment for the value." {£460.)

This was a very important judgment.

The Governor, Sir Chas. Hamilton, wrote to the
Secretary of State and gave the full history of the case.
He said : —

" Your Lordship is aware that the laws enacted for
regulating the fisheries and trade of the Island of
Newfoundland do not extend to the Coast of Labrador,
although the Government of the latter is included with
the former in His Majesty's Commission. The fisheries
on the Labrador have heretofore, as appears by the
records in this office, been regulated by Proclamations
and Orders issued from time to time by the Governor,
either as the necessity of the case required, or from
direct instructions under the King's sign manual or
communicated through one of His Majesty's Secretaries
of State, and which have generally tended to encourage
a Ship fishery and adventurers from England in prefer-
ance to any other class of His Majesty's subjects, with
the obvious view of promoting the increase of seamen.
These Orders and Proclamations were until very lately
considered to carry with them the force and effect of law.
... It would appear that the Chief Justice considers
the Proclamations of the Governors as not binding. I

394 LABRADOR

have considered it my duty to transmit all these pro-
ceedings to your Lordship, and to solicit such instructions
for my future guidance as His Majesty's Government
may be of opinion the case requires."

Sir Chas. Hamilton stated that the case had been
appealed to the Privy Council, but I have been unable
to find any judgment upon it from that tribunal.

The most complete account of the Labrador fisheries
obtainable up to this time is that furnished by Captain
Robinson on his return from Sandwich Bay, where he
was sent to investigate the dispute between Beard and
Jennings. (See following page.)

"In all harbours where there are any considerable
fisheries a few people winter to take care of the
property, cut wood, and catch furs. These constitute
the only resident population.

" Petty Harbour, Fishing Ship Harbour, Occasional
Harbour, Square Island Harbour, Cape Bluff Island
Harbour, Snug Harbour, St. Michael's Bay, Double
Island Harbour, Partridge Bay, Black Bear Bay, Island
of Ponds, Spotted Island Harbour, and Table Harbour;
at all these places there are small establishments, prin-
cipally of adventurers from Newfoundland ; and, by
the best information which could be obtained respect-
ing them, they may be estimated to yield about 1 500
quintals for each post on an average, making about
20,000 ; with a proportion of oil, at the rate of
one ton for every 200 quintals of fish, making
100 tons. At all the smaller intermediate harbours
there is an appearance of settling and building houses,
but we cannot estimate their produce at all correctly ;
though, from the number of Newfoundland and Nova
Scotia vessels which carry on a desultory fishing and
take away their cargoes, a very considerable quantity

THE BRITISH FISHERIES

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396 LABRADOR

of fish may be added to the above estimate, perhaps
20,000 quintals."

In the Table of Exports in the Appendix it will
be noticed that the total exports of codfish from.
Cape Charles to Sandwich Bay, are stated by Captain
Robinson to have been 134,580 quintals, while the
Colonial Records state them to have been 76,000
quintals for the French shore and Labrador, — a dis-
crepancy which cannot be explained. The weight
of evidence will no doubt be held to lie with Captain
Robinson.

In addition to the direct exports, Captain Robinson
estimated that 20,000 quintals were taken at small
stations, and 20,000 quintals by Newfoundland and
Nova Scotian schooners in all say — 175,000. To this
must be added the fishery in the Straits of Belle Isle,
which may be roughly estimated at 50,000 quintals,
making a grand total of 225,000 quintals.

By an Act passed on June 17th, 1824, entitled
" An Act for the Better Administration of Justice in
Newfoundland, etc." power was given to the Governor
to institute a court of Civil Jurisdiction at Labrador,
such court to be held by one judge authorized
to hear and determine complaints of a civil nature.
By the same Act the Surrogate Courts were dis-
continued.

Captain William Patterson was appointed judge
of this court in 1826, and continued in the office
until its termination in 1834. Mr. George Simms
was the first clerk. In 1829 Mr. Bryan Robinson,
afterwards Chief Justice of Newfoundland, was ap-
pointed sheriff, and held office until 1833, when he
was succeeded by Mr. Elias Rendell. The proclama-
tion issued at the inception of this court and the

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 397

letter of instructions to Captain Patterson are here
given : —

" Government House,

" i\th August, 1826

" Captain William Patterson.

" Sir,

" With your Commission to proceed on your
Circuit to Labrador and the Proclamation which ac-
companies, I transmit to you a list of such places as
from the best information that can be obtained are
likely to call for your presence. At the same time you
will understand that it by no means professes to be
correct ; but after your arrival at Invucktoke you must
obtain from time to time the best information you can
get on that point, and regulate your proceedings accord-
ingly, taking the most Northern place at which first to
hold your Court, so that you may always be making
progress to the Southward as the Summer declines.

'■' Herewith you will receive a copy of the Treaty with
America by which that country is entitled to take and
cure fish upon the Coast of Labrador, and with it I
also forward you a copy of an explanatory letter from
Lord Bathurst on the subject of it. At the same time
that I recommend the most conciliatory and friendly
conduct on the part of yourself and all attached to your
Court or under your authority towards the subjects of
the United States whilst engaged in the fishery secured
to them by the treaty, you will bear in mind that
whilst they are employed within your jurisdiction they
are equally amenable to the laws with any of His
Majesty's subjects, and that the same measure of
Justice is to be dealt with them as to any others
infringing the rights of individuals or disturbing the
public peace.

398 LABRADOR

" For your further guidance in the discharge of your
official duties I must refer you to the Act 5, George 4,
Cap. 51 and ^J, with which you will be furnished, and
should there be any point on which you may previously
to your sailing require legal advice, the same shall be
submitted to the Attorney General or to the Judges of
the Supreme Court as the case may be.

During the period that you are upon the Coast of
Labrador it is very desirable you should take every
opportunity of informing yourself of the state of our
fishery as well as that of the Americans, and that you
should collect all the information you can with reference
to the Fur trade, the native inhabitants, the Moravian
Settlements, the number, if any, of Europeans or
Americans who remain the winter, as well as the
stations they occupy, and generally, that you should
collect all the information you can of that imperfectly
known country that may in any way tend to the
advancement of science or commerce.
" I am, etc.

"(Signed) Thos. Cochrane,

" Governor.
" To Capt. Paterson, C.B., r.n."

Proclamation by His Excellency Sir Thomas John
Cochrane, Knight, Governor and Commander-in-Chief,
etc., appointing times and places of holding the Labra-
dor Court.

Whereas by an Act passed in the 5th year of the Reign
of our Sovereign Lord George the Fourth by the Grace of
God of the United Kingdom or Great Britain and Ireland,
King Defender of the Faith, etc., entitled " An Act for the
better administration of Justice in Newfoundland and for other

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 399

Purposes," it is enacted and declared that it shall and may be
lawful for the Governor or acting Governor of Newfoundland
for the time being to institute a Court of Civil Jurisdiction
at any such parts or places on the Coast of Labrador or the
Islands adjacent thereto which are reannexed to the Govern-
ment of Newfoundland as occasion shall require.

Now therefore in pursuance of the power and authority
to me given by the said Act of Parliament, and in fulfilment of
the requisitions and provisions of the same, I, the Governor,
do by this my Proclamation institute a Court of Civil Juris-
diction to be holden at Invuctoke on the 22nd day of August
— at Huntingdon Harbour on the 30th day of August — at
Venison Island on the 5th of September — at Cape St. Francis
on the 9th day of September — at Cape St. Charles Harbour on
the 13th day of September — at Chateaux Bay on the 21st day
of September — and at L'Anse-a-Loup on the 29th day of
September next on the said Coast of Labrador, or at any
or either of the said places, and as nearly on the said days
and periods or at any other place or places on the said Coast
and at such periods as circumstances will permit, or may
render necessary, with jurisdiction power and authority to
hear and determine all suits and complaints of a civil nature
after the manner and for, provided by the said Act, and arising
within any of the parts or places on the said coast of Labrador
or the Islands adjacent thereto, which are reannexed to the
Government of Newfoundland, viz. : — from the entrance of
Hudson's Straits to a line to be drawn due North and South
from Anse Sablon on the said Coast to the fifty-second degree
of North Latitude.

And I do authorize, empower, and direct the Judges of the
said court of Civil Jurisdiction, hereby instituted, from day to
day, and from place to place, or for any number of days
within the term, Session or continuance of the said Court to
adjourn the said Court, to meet re-assemble and sit again in the
execution and discharge of the duties of the said Court, when
and so often as by the said Judge may be deemed necessary

400 LABRADOR

or expedient for the due and proper fulfilment and discharge
of such duties.

And of these presents all Magistrates, the Sheriff and his
deputies, all Bailiffs, Constables, Keepers of Gaols and other
Officers of the Coast of Labrador, in the execution of their
offices about the premises, are directed and hereby required
and commanded to take due notice and govern themselves
accordingly.

Given under my hand at Government
House, St. John's, the second day of
January in the sixth year of His
Majesty's Reign.

By Command of His Excellency the Governor,

(Signed) E. B. Brenton.

In 1826 thirteen civil actions vi^ere tried, in 1827 a
similar number, and in 1828 twenty-seven actions, in-
volving an amount of ^6^1 885 5s. 3d. But the amount
of work which the court found to do v^as not considered
commensurate to the cost, and one of the earliest Acts
of the House of Assembly of Newfoundland in 1834
was to discontinue it.

A series of cases was brought before the Supreme
Court at St. John's in 1826 to determine the particular
classes of seamen and fishermen w^ho were liable
for the payment of the Greenwich Hospital dues of
6d. per man, monthly. In the case submitted for
the decision of Chief Justice Tucker, the following
description is given of the method pursued at that
time in shipping crews and fishermen for the Labrador.
It will be seen that it does not greatly differ from the
present custom. The decision of the Chief Justice was
that all classes of Labrador fishermen were liable for
the dues.

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 401

"Labrador schooners are fitted out about the ist of
June for the Labrador fishery, which is carried on upon
that coast by open boats or skiffs. On board this
schooner are embarked six men, three of whom are
hired on wages for the season, say from 20th of May
until the last of October ; and three on shares for the
same period of time. One of such servants takes
charge of the schooner, as master, to navigate her to
the Labrador, and carry the supplies and fishing crews
to a certain place, where, on the vessel's arrival, she
is moored in safety, and laid up, unused, for a time,
except as an occasional store for salt, etc. The master
and men are then employed in skift^'s, or open boats,
catching fish, which they carry on shore to defendant's
room, to be cured by a shore crew of the defendant's.
As soon as enough fish is caught and cured to load the
schooner, a sufficient crew from the men so hired and on
shares, is put on board to navigate the vessel to St.
John's ; from whence, after delivering her fish there, she
again returns to the Labrador, and remains until the end
of the season, and then brings the residue of the fish and
oil, the produce of the voyage, to St. John's, together
with the fishing and shore crews, returning about the
middle of October. But besides the aforesaid men, the
hired servants of the defendant, the said vessel carried
also to the Labrador ten other fishermen (besides
defendant's shore crew, who were employed solely in
curing the fish ashore) ; and which fishermen were
supplied by defendant, who also contracted to cure on
his room the fish they caught, and freight it to St. John's.
On the vessel's arrival at the Labrador, these men, form-
ing three separate crews, emplo3^ed themselves in their
own skiffs, or open boats, catching fish on their own
account ; and, as they caught it, daily delivered it on
2 D

402 LABRADOR

shore upon defendant's room to be cured. When cured,
defendant's said schooner carried the fish on freight to
St. John's ; and out of it took the value of his supplies
furnished to the catchers, together with the price of
curing and the amount of freight ; and delivered the
surplus to the said fish-catchers to sell where they
pleased, or purchased the same from them at current
price."

In a memorial from the Chamber of Commerce,
St. John's, 1825, protesting against any portion of the
Labrador being returned to Canada, it is stated that
60 vessels were fitted out in St. John's and 200 from
Conception Bay for the fishing on that coast, em-
ploying altogether about 5000 men.'

The senior naval officer on the station had a careful
census taken in 1826 of all the vessels fishing at Labra-
dor, from Lance-a-Loup to Rigolette, of which the
following is a resume : —

95 vessels, 6439 tons, 131 2 men.
397 boats, 828 men.

Catch.
3450 Seals.

5124 tierces of Salmon.
102,980 quintals of Codfish.
304 tuns of Oil.

Of the above there were twenty-one fishing ships
from England. But this report was admittedly not
complete, and it was estimated that 50,000 quintals of
codfish were taken in small creeks and harbours not
visited. It will be noticed that herring are not
mentioned.

We learn from the Colonial Records that there were

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 403

276 fishing ships from Great Britain to Newfoundland
and Labrador in 1792. In 18 17, the number had de-
creased to 48, and in 1824, to 15. In 1832, it is
stated that only 5 fishing ships went to Labrador, and
15 to the Banks. Save for the few Jersey vessels to the
Straits of Belle Isle, the great ship fishery, which had
been fostered with so much assiduity for nearly two
hundred years, and for the sake of which the coloniza-
tion of Newfoundland had been kept down with an
iron hand, soon ceased to exist.

It is perhaps idle to speculate on historical hypotheses,
but one cannot help pausing a moment to consider how
different Newfoundland would have been had she been
allowed to grow naturally from the first. And one
must also " point the moral " of the folly of trying to
foster an unnatural industry, such as the British ship
fishery. Acts of Parliament, devised by wire-pulling
West-country merchants, could not keep it alive ; and
while it was being artificially fostered, the infant colony
of Newfoundland was being strangled.

About the year 1830 the Labrador fishery was prose-
cuted with great vigour. Newfoundlanders, Nova
Scotians, and Americans flocked there in great numbers.
The following particulars are taken from British America,
by Colonel MacGregor, who, being A.D.C. and private
Secretary to the Governor of Newfoundland, had an
excellent opportunity for gathering correct information.
It will be seen, however, that some of his statements
do not bear examination, and that he greatly over-
estimated the American fishery, and possibly the British
fishery as well. He said that about 300 schooners went
from Newfoundland to the different fishing stations on
the Labrador coast, where about 20,000 British subjects
were employed in the season. Many of the vessels

404 LABRADOR

made an early trip to the straits, returning as soon as
a cargo was secured, and leaving again as quickly as
possible for the eastern Labrador coast, a practice
which is still pursued by the schooners from the northern
outports. From the maritime provinces about 120
vessels with 1200 to 1300 fishermen annually fished
on the coast ; and there were six or seven English and
five Jersey firms with extensive fishing establishments,
still carrying on the old ship fishery, and employing
about 1000 men. The Americans had about 500
vessels and 15,000 men employed on the coast, and
their catch amounted to 1,100,000 quintals of fish and
3000 tuns of oil.

According to this authority, therefore, there were
about 1000 vessels and 35,000 people engaged in the
Labrador fishery at this period.

To examine first into his estimate of the American
fishery. According to Lorenzo Sabine's Report of
American Fisheries, 1853, the total export of codfish
from the United States in 1830 was 229,796 quintals,
and the home consumption about 500,000, making a
total of 729,796 quintals. As a large proportion of the
American fleet fished on the Grand Banks and in the
Gulf of St Lawrence, it is evident that MacGregor's
figures are much exaggerated. Admitting that there
were 500 vessels, it is safe to assume that their crews
numbered about 5000 and their catch 200,000 to 250,000
quintals.

If in MacGregor's figures for the number of British
subjects employed on the Labrador are included the
Canadian and English fishermen, estimated at 2000,
and the settlers on the coast, say 2000, not including
Eskimos or Indians, it will leave 16,000 people to go from
Newfoundland, As the whole population of Newfound-

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 405

land at that period was about 60,000, it would thus appear
that one-fourth of them migrated to Labrador each
summer, — a proportion which seems altogether too large.

Owing to the Newfoundland fishermen being driven
from the French shore, they were compelled to go
farther afield, and on this account the Labrador fishery-
was said to have increased sixfold between 18 14 and
1829. But on the Labrador they had to meet American
competition, particulars of which are related in another
chapter. Our Yankee cousins tried to carry things on
the coast with a high hand, and many complaints of
aggressions are recorded. They went so far on some
occasions as to drive the Newfoundland vessels from
the harbours, and tear down the British flag, hoisting
the Stars and Stripes in its place. They cut away the
salmon nets of the Newfoundlanders, set their own
instead, and threatened to shoot any one who interfered
with them. Redress was impossible. The visits of the
British cruisers were few and far between. It was beyond
the power of the poor fishermen to bring the aggressors
to justice, and being greatly outnumbered in many places,
they could not take the law in their own hands.

But after a few more years of steady increase, the
balance of power was in the hands of the Newfound-
land fishermen, and we can be sure that they were
not backward in protecting themselves. Possibly the
United States fishermen found the Labrador a little
warjn for them, which may account for the rapid decline
of their fishery after 1840.

The fisheries were variable, but no doubt were very
much more productive than in recent years. The
salmon fishery was still important, but the herring
fishery had not been prosecuted extensively. In the
list of exports given by MacGregor, herring are not

4o6 LABRADOR

mentioned. Codfish were no doubt more easily taken
then than now. There were no traps, as in modern
times, but yet they succeeded in securing large catches.
The following figures for 1829 are given by Mac-
Gregor : —

Exported to Europe
by English and Jersey
firms.

Exported to Europe t
by Newfoundland ]
houses. y

Sent to Newfound-
land from Labrador.

50,000 qtls. codfish

900 tees, salmon

200 tuns cod oil

200 tuns seal oil

Furs .

20,000 qtls. codfish
300 tees, salmon

324,000 qtls. codfish

1,500 tuns cod oil

Salmon, etc.

Sent to Maritime f ^i ^c u

T^ • ^ 20,000 qtls. codfish

Provinces. I ^

^25,000
2,700
4,000

4,500
3,000

10,000
900

^50,100

138,300

27,000

3,000

60,000
^278,400

MacGregor's statements do not hang together. The
number of Newfoundland schooners was said to have
been 300, and it was impossible for them to have
brought back 1000 quintals each on an average.

But after making due allowance for overestimates,
I am inclined to think that the total catch of codfish on
the Labrador at that period may have approximated
1,000,000 quintals yearly.

About the year 1831 the Hudson Bay Company
began operations in Labrador, the inception of which is
thus cynically related by John MacLean {JFJiirty Years
in the Hudson Bay Company s Ser^vice) : —

" The Company, having learned through a pamphlet
published by the Moravian Missionaries that the

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 407

country produced excellent furs, were induced by the
laudable desire of ' ameliorating the condition of the
natives' to settle it."

Posts were started at Rigolet and North-west River in
Hamilton Inlet, at Fort Chimo\ Whale River, and
George's River in Hudson's Straits, at Nackvak, Davis
Inlet, and Cartwright on the east coast. This last was
purchased from Messrs. Hunt and Henley, who had suc-
ceeded to the rights originally obtained by George
Cartwright.

The title of the Company to the posts in Hudson's
Straits is naturally included in their original charter,
but that of the others, with the exception of Cartwright,
seems to rest upon squatters' rights only, as no grant
of them appears to have been given by the Imperial
Government or Government of Newfoundland.

In 1840 a Bill was introduced in the House of
Assembly to provide for the collection of duties and
for establishing a Court on Labrador. But being re-
turned from the Council with amendments, it was
allowed to drop. Nevertheless, an attempt was made
the following summer to collect duties there, and Mr.
Elias Rendell was appointed for the job. He found
great difficulty in getting to Labrador, as the merchants,
knowing his errand, refused to let him go in their
vessels. He was therefore obliged to hire a small
schooner, and finally sailed on July 5th. He travelled
up the coast as far as Hamilton Inlet, into which he
went some distance, and collected duties to the amount
of ;;^205 IIS. 4d. All Complained loudly at having to
pay duties, and some of the firms refused positively to
pay at all. They pleaded that they should not be

^ " Chymo," according to Rev. S. M. Stewart, missionary to Ungava,
means " welcome."

4o8 LABRADOR

called upon to contribute to the revenue unless they
derived some benefit from it, and stated that another
year they would resist payment by every possible means,
unless a Court of Justice M^ere established, and the
coast afforded the protection of the police, Mr. Rendell
was of opinion that such was most necessary, as disputes
were continually arising, and serious crimes occasionally
committed, " a man at that time going at large, who
was known to have murdered his wife last winter."
Mr. Rendell also drew attention to the encroachments
of the French on the fisheries of Labrador. From
Blanc Sablon to Henley Harbour the shore was literally
lined with French boats, and the protection of a ship-
of-war was imperatively necessary.

We first hear of French encroachments on the Labra-
dor side of the straits, in 1835, and a Committee of the
House of Assembly was appointed to make enquiries,
but I have been unable to find that it ever made a report.

In 1 841, the year after Mr. Elias Rendell's visit,
Captain Milne, H.M.S. Crocodile, was sent to the coast
on the fishery protection service. He found the reports
to be more than justified, and French encroachments to
be most general. They had simply taken possession of
Belle Isle, driving off the Newfoundland and American
fishermen who had been frequenting it. Two fishing
rooms had been built there by the French, and it was
actually included in the list of fishing stations which
were regularly ballotted for in France every five years.
Belle Isle was considered a very valuable fishery at that
time, and immense quantities offish were taken annually
round the shores, approximating 30,000 quintals. The
codfish were said to enter the straits from the Atlantic,
passing near the island, and later schooling along the
Labrador shore. The fishermen there were thus enabled

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 409

to secure the cream of the voyage, both in size and
quantity of fish.

Capt. Milne pointed out that as Belle Isle was nearer
to Labrador than to Newfoundland it must be held to
belong to the former coast where the French had abso-
lutely no rights. In Palliser's time, the commanding
officers of the fishery protection fleet were particularly
directed to guard against French aggression, and it is
hard to understand how the abuse began.

In 1845, petitions were forwarded to the House of
Assembly from the merchants of Conception Bay, pray-
ing that Courts of Justice be again instituted on the
Labrador. Over 200 vessels and 5000 men went from
that Bay alone to Labrador, and many disputes arose
in respect to fishing berths, for the prompt settlement of
which a Court of Justice was absolutely necessary.

Capt. Locke, who was on the coast in H.M.S.
Alarm in 1848, visited Belle Isle, and although he
found no French vessels, was told that they had been
there all the summer, and had left hurriedly when they
heard he was in the neighbourhood. All along the
Labrador side of the straits he received the same in-
formation. It was estimated that 200 French boats
with 1000 to 1500 men had been poaching that summer,
and had taken 50,000 to 70,000 quintals of fish. The
British fishery had been very good, averaging 70 or 80
quintals per man. Blanc Sablon was the principal
station, three Jersey firms doing business there. The
catch in this one place was 15,000 to 16,000 quintals.
At Red Bay, William Penney, of Carbonear, carried on
business, employing twenty-five boats and forty to fifty
men. Their catch was 3500 quintals. It is interesting
to know that the firm of Wm. Penney and Sons have
carried on a prosperous business there ever since, hold-

4IO LABRADOR

ing the record for the oldest established business on the
Labrador carried on at one locality.

No determined effort seems to have been made to
stop the French encroachments, in spite of the continual
reports which were made in regard to them, until 1852,
when the sum of ;^550 was voted by the House of
Assembly for a fishery protection service at Cape John
and in the Straits of Belle Isle, and an effectual stop
was very soon put to the poaching propensities of the
French, which had been endured so long.

Capt. Cochrane, R.N.. visited Labrador in 1852, and
assisted in this service, his particular duty being to re-
move the French establishments from Belle Isle. He
reported that very few American vessels were on the
coast that year, and that they fished between Sandwich
Bay and Cape Harrison. The number of Newfound-
land fishermen from Cape Charles to Cape Harrison he
estimated at 6500.

In 1856 the colony of Newfoundland was amazed to
learn that a Convention had been practically agreed to
between the Imperial and French Governments, by
which, among other concessions, it was proposed to give
the French the right to fish on the Labrador coast from
Cape Charles to Blanc Sablon. The colony was at
once up in arms. Evidence as to the importance of the
Labrador fishery was taken by a Committee of the
House of Assembly. Among those who testified were
E. White, Thos. Rowe, John Rorke, John Walsh, Chas.
Power, Bishop Feild, and Bishop Mullock. They stated
that 700 sail of Newfoundland vessels went to Labra-
dor each season, and carried on fishing operations
from Blanc Sablon to Cape Harrison. The most im-
portant part of the fishery was that carried on in the
Straits of Belle Isle, where 170,000 to 180,000 quintals of

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 4"

codfish were taken on an average each year. Indigna-
tion against the Imperial Government was the dominant
note of the evidence, and many satirical references were
made to their ignorance of the question, and their re-
markable generosity to the French.

The House of Assembly passed unanimously a
vehement protest against the ratification of the Con-
vention, and the influence of the neighbouring colonies
was enlisted, with the effect that the Imperial Govern-
ment realized that they had been on the brink of a
serious error, and withdrew from the Convention. The
news was conveyed to Newfoundland in the celebrated
despatch from Mr. Henry Labouchere to Governor
Darling : —

" The proposals contained in the Convention having
now been unequivocally refused by the Colony, they
will of course fall to the ground ; and you are authorized
to give such assurance as you may think proper, that
the consent of the community of Newfoundland is
regarded by Her Majesty's Government as the essential
preliminary to any modification on their territorial or
maritime rights."

This is regarded as one of the most important docu-
ments in the history of Newfoundland, and has been
quoted by the colony in defence of its rights on several
subsequent occasions.

The resident population from Blanc Sablon to Sand-
wich Bay, in 1856, was computed at 1553 persons.
Attempts to collect duties on the Labrador were again
made this year, but were very generally resisted. One
Customs official with an eye to business pointed out
that the firm of De Quettville, employing 250 men,
served out to each five glasses of brandy daily, the

412 LABRADOR

duty upon which alone would make a considerable
item.

Governor Darling visited the coast during the sum-
mer, probably wishing to see for himself the fishery
which the mother country proposed to give away.

The Reciprocity Treaty with the United States in
1854 was said to have occasioned an increase in the
number of their vessels fishing on the Labrador coast.
Why that should have been so is not plain, as they
already had an unrestricted right to that fishery. If
such increase did take place, it was evidently a last
spasmodic effort, as their interest in Labrador declined
very rapidly soon after. In 1859 only fifty American
and Nova Scotian vessels were reported in the straits,
a great falling off from the numerous fleet which had
formerly fished there.

In the Appendix will be found a list of the exports
or catch of fish on the Labrador. It will be seen that
from 1830 to i860 no statistics are given. It has been
a great disappointment to me not to be able to get the
figures for this period, but after a careful search in
every place I could think of, I have been obliged to
abandon the hope of finding anything, and have con-
cluded that no record was kept of the direct exports,
or any estimate made of the total catch at that time.

The principal information about the Labrador fish-
eries from 1850 to 1870 is obtained from the reports
made each year by the naval captains on the Fishery
Protection Service.

In 1862 the fishery was very poor, and the herring
fishery a total failure. A Government regulation this
year prohibited the barring of herring in seines, — a
very wise law, as the destruction and waste by barring
is enormous. The Nova Scotian and American vessels

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 413

resisted the enforcement of this ordinance, the latter
claiming that it could not be enforced against them
as it was not the law before 1854, when the last
Reciprocity Treaty had been made. Cape Harrison
was yet considered the northern limit, but a few
adventurous spirits had penetrated still farther north.
The Moravian Missionaries at Hopedale in 1857
describe the first arrival of an American trading vessel,
and the demoralization which resulted from the sale
of rum to the Eskimos. In 1859 several Newfound-
land fishing schooners are reported at Hopedale, Nain,
Hebron, and Okak. In the Nain diary, July 2nd, 1861,
it is recorded that the Newfoundland schooners had
made their appearance in the offing, and were cruising
about in the open water, waiting for the ice to move
off. It was no sooner gone than they came in, and
usurped the fishing places used by the Eskimos. Six
Newfoundland vessels fished at Hopedale in 1863,
25 touched there in 1866, and 108 in 1868, while in
1870 over 500 passed north, 145 being counted in a
single day.

The important northern Labrador fishery therefore
sprang into being in 1863, and was actively prosecuted
by 1870. The schooners going to the far north are
termed "floaters," meaning that they are not generally
attached to fishing establishments on the Labrador,
but catch their fish wherever they can get it, and take
it direct to Newfoundland ports, where it is cured.
This fish is known to the trade as shore-cured Labra-
dor, and constitutes one of the largest items in the
cod fishing industry.

The report of Captain Hood, the naval commander
on the coast in 1865, was much fuller than usual. An
attempt was made to take a census of the fishing popu-

414 LABRADOR

lation, and the catch of fish from Battle Harbour to
Red Island, but I am of opinion that it is very incom-
plete. He reported that there were between those
points 1098 boats and 271 1 men, and the catch 116,700
quintals codfish. The largest establishments were Black
Tickle and Indian Harbour.

The Newfoundland Chamber of Commerce, in 1866,
petitioned the Imperial Government to send a naval
vessel to survey the northern Labrador coast, which
was then entirely uncharted. Accordingly, the next
year Lieutenant Chimmo, in H.M.S. Gannet, was detailed
for the work. He called in at Battle Harbour to get a
pilot, but was unable to obtain one. The schooners had
ail gone to Cape Harrison, where they were "doing what
they liked with the fish." Lieutenant Chimmo found
by careful observation that the whole coast had been
placed on the charts ten or eleven miles too far to the
eastward. His only chart was that of Lane, drawn in
1772, which he found very incorrect. The coast had
not been surveyed since. When he reached Cape Har-
rison he was informed that about 200 Newfoundland
vessels were fishing at Windy Tickle, 180 miles still
farther north. He went into Aillik, where the Hudson
Bay Company had a station, and also called at Hope-
dale. Coming south he stopped at Indian Tickle, and
was given a glowing account of the Labrador fishery
by Mr. Warren (Matthew H.), who had his fishing
rooms there. 3000 vessels were said to have passed
through that well-known passage during the season, on
the voyage north and return south, and the number of
fishermen to have been 30,000. These seem rather
large figures, and I have been able to find no evidence
to support them.

By the census of 1857 the population of Newfound-

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 415

land was found to be 122,000, which would indicate
about 40,000 men and boys. The number of schooners
was 800, with crews approximately about 15,000 men.
Making all due allowance for nine years' increment, it
does not seem possible that the Labrador fleet from
Newfoundland could have reached the figures given by
Mr. Warren.

The merchants of St. John's were much gratified at
the prompt way in which the Imperial Government had
carried out their request for a survey of northern Labra-
dor, and tendered Lieutenant Chimmo their best thanks
for his care in the matter.

But it was not until 1876 that Commander Maxwell's
charts, which gave the first reliable information about
the coast, were published. These charts are still in use.

In i860. Sir Leopold McClintock, in H.M.S. Bulldog,
was sent by the Imperial Government to survey a route
for the proposed North Atlantic Telegraph between
Great Britain and America. His course was via Ice-
land and Greenland to Indian Harbour on the Labra-
dor, where he arrived on August 24th. Indian Harbour
was then the most extensive of the northern fishing
establishments, and under the charge of a Mr. Norman.
Although there had been very little ice on the coast
the fishery had been a poor one, owing to stormy
weather. While the Bulldog was at Indian Harbour,
however, the fishermen were taking codfish by means of
jiggers as fast as they could haul them on board. As
the Eskimos in Greenland had been seen using the
same method, it was remarked that the Labrador
fishermen could not improve upon the custom of the
Eskimos. It was not, however, an original custom of
the Eskimos. As a matter of fact, jiggers have been in
use from very early times. In 17 16 complaints were

41 6 LABRADOR

made against their use by the French on the southern
Labrador, as it was said that the fishery at Petit Nord
(northern Newfoundland) had been ruined by them ; a
statement which has happily not proved correct. At the
present time their use is forbidden in Canadian waters.

As a result of the soundings taken by the Bulldog it
was demonstrated that a bank extends north and south
of Hamilton Inlet for i8o miles, and at least lOO miles
in an easterly direction. Sir J. C. Ross (Parliamentary
Reports re Atlantic Telegraph) reported that this bank
stretches parallel to the coast for a considerable distance
north and south of Okak.^

The i??///<i'c'^ proceeded into Hamilton Inlet, surveying
more or less carefully that important body of water. At
Rigolette they met Mr. Smith, superintendent of the
district for the Hudson Bay Company, who spoke
highly of the healthiness of the climate, and who, as
Lord Strathcona in our day, is a living v/itness to the
truth of his statement.

There were said to be about two hundred people living
in Hamilton Inlet, but the Eskimos, who had once been
so numerous, were fast dying out. It was told that on
an island at the mouth of the Inlet, there were a number
of skeletons of Eskimos strewed about the surface,
showing that they had fallen victims at one time to a
virulent contagious disease. These were no doubt the
remains of that unhappy band of Eskimos who died of
smallpox, caught from Kaubvick, the sole survivor of the
party of Eskimos whom Cartwright took to England
with him in 1773. That the skeletons should remain for
nearly one hundred years is evidence of the remarkable
anti-septic nature of the climate. It is more than likely

^ Captain Charles Swayne, in 1753, ;^lso reported an important fishing
bank about six leagues off the coast, extending from lat. 54" to lat. 57°.

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 417

they are still there. The island was called Eskimo
Island on account of this circumstance ; but, as there
are many Eskimo Islands, it would not be inappropriate
for the name to be changed to " Kaubvick's Island."

We have heard how, in 1841, and again in 1856, half-
hearted attempts were made to collect revenue on
Labrador. These attempts were nullified principally
through the efforts of the large English houses having
establishments on the coast. But in 1862 the Govern-
ment of Newfoundland decided to re-establish the
Labrador Court, and to collect Customs duties regularly
and systematically.

There seems no reason why the duties should not
have been collected without special legislation, but to
make assurance doubly sure, and to remove any possible
question of legality, the Customs Act of 1863 contained
special clauses dealing with the collection of duties on
the Labrador, In addition, " An Act to provide for the
Collection of the Revenue, and for the better Adminis-
tration of Justice at the Labrador," was passed at the
same time, by which the Governor in Council was
authorized to appoint a revenue officer for that service.

Mr. James Winter received the appointment, and
made his first voyage in the summer of 1863. In spite
of the special legislation which had been enacted, several
of the merchants, notably Messrs, Hunt and Henley,
vigorously resisted the payment of duties. As cash was
almost an unknown commodity on the coast, the collector
was obliged to accept drafts from the various captains
and agents on the mercantile houses they represented.
When these drafts matured they were nearly all dis-
honoured, and proceedings at law had to be taken to
enforce payment. Hunt and Henley were very contu-
macious, threatening to take proceedings against the
2 E

4i8 LABRADOR

Governor, Sir Alex Bannerman, whenever he should land
in England. They and other English firms carrying on
a Labrador business, presented a memorial to the
Secretary of State setting forth their grievances, and
begging that the Newfoundland i\cts be disallowed.
Their reasons for resisting the payment of the duties do
not seem very conclusive, and appear to be derived
mainly from the old privileges given to ship-fishers from
England. They claimed that they carried on their
business from England, and had very little communi-
cation with Newfoundland, that they were not repre-
sented in the Newfoundland Legislature, and that the
duties collected were not spent for the advantage of
Labrador.

The very unfair position of the Newfoundland traders
and merchants, who had paid Customs duties in New-
foundland, and had to come into competition with duty-
free goods from England, was obvious, but naturally it
did not appeal to them, and they fought hard for their
ancient privileges.

After some delay, the Secretary of State notified the
memorialists that the Newfoundland Legislature was
fully competent to impose duties on Labrador. To the
Governor of Newfoundland he wrote suggesting that
Labrador should be represented in the House of
Assembly, a suggestion to which consideration was pro-
mised ; and as it has been under consideration ever since,
the promise may be considered to be amply fulfilled.

The correspondence which took place before these
Acts were ratified, was thought of sufficient importance
for a special House of Commons Blue Book, which was
issued in March, 1864,

The reports of Mr. Winter, the Collector of Customs,
and Mr. Benjamin Sweetland, the Judge of the newly-

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 419

constituted Court, afford interesting information. Blanc
Sablon was the most important settlement on the coast.
De Quettville and Co., Le Boutillier Brothers, and two
smaller Jersey firms carried on business there, bringing
over nearly all their fishermen from Jersey each summer,
and carrying them back at the end of the season.
These men were paid 4s. gd. to 5s. 6d. for every
100 fish, averaging 7 quintals per 1000 fish. About
eighty Nova Scotian and two American vessels visited
that port, and all protested against having to pay
duties, but all finally consented to do so. The
fishery had been good, averaging 70 quintals per
man. At Sandwich Bay, Messrs. Hunt and Henley
had taken about 1200 tierces of salmon. The Court
visited twenty-two ports between Blanc Sablon and
Hawk's Harbour, and heard twenty-three cases of a
trivial character. The Judge stated that, " like most
Circuit Courts, the moral effect is greater than the
amount of business done" ; but considering the number
of years Labrador had been without a Circuit Court,
and the insignificant business found to be done, it does
not appear that even the " moral effect " was very greatly
required.

This Circuit Court continued to make yearly visita-
tions until 1874, when it was discontinued. The Act
authorizing it is, however, still on the Statute Book, and
can be put into force at any time by appointing officials
and voting their salaries. (See Appendix.) The need
for it, however, does not seem to be any greater now
than in 1874, a fact which speaks eloquently for the
peaceful and law-abiding character of the fishing popu-
lation of Newfoundland.^

1 This Court has since been instituted again, and Mr. F. J. Morris
appointed Judge.

420 LABRADOR

In 1868-9 the fishery in the straits and on the
southern Labrador coast was a complete failure, and
very great destitution prevailed in consequence, many
deaths from starvation taking place among the resident
population of the coast. These people rejoice in the
title of " liveyeres," a West of England word supposed
to be a corruption of " live here," At this period
they numbered 2479 between Blanc Sablon and Cape
Harrison, including about three hundred Eskimos and
Montaignais Indians. They are generally the descend-
ants of the pioneer furriers and salmon catchers who
married Eskimo or Indian women, but also a good
proportion of them are Newfoundlanders who stayed on
the coast to take care of the fishing rooms and property
left there, and remained from lack of initiative, or
ability to get away. In spite of its hardships and pre-
cariousness, the life seems to have attractions, and there
are many instances of families coming to Newfoundland
and also emigrating to the States and Canada with
a view to bettering themselves, but after a few years'
trial returning again to their old homes on bleak and
barren Labrador. They have been continually in poverty
and starvation, and the Government of Newfoundland
has been many times called upon to supply them with
food and necessaries.

This year, (1869), marks the end of the American
Labrador fishery. The sole vessel from the United
States on the coast that year was a steamer sent to
obtain, if possible, a cargo of herring, in which she
was not successful. After this the reports state that no
American vessels were heard of In 1870, the Labrador
Steam Mail Service was begun, and has been gradually
extended until now a comfortable steamer makes fort-
nightly trips during the season, calling at the principal

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 421

stations, as far north as Nain. The straits fishery in 1870
was the best for twenty-one years, but the east coast was
blocked with ice until the middle of August, and the
fishery there consequently the poorest ever experienced.

The French encroachments on the Labrador coast
having been stopped, a new source of complaint arose.
The Newfoundland fishermen began the reprehensible
practice of selling bait to the French fishermen on
the French shore, thus enabling them to secure the
codfish which afterwards competed most seriously with
their own catch in the European markets.

In 1874 Mr. J. L. Macneil succeeded Mr. Pinsent as
Judge of the Labrador Court. The fi.shery had been
below the average, and the people consequently were
very badly off. At Battle Harbour the previous
winter, the main body of the seals had been driven in
on the shore, and the people managed to secure 10,000
— a God-send indeed !

The Government of Newfoundland employed Mr, H.
Y. Hinde, the author of Explorations on the Labrador
Coast, to investigate and report upon the northern
Labrador fishery. He visited the coast in 1875-6, and
made a report on the fisheries,, which, although perhaps
not correct in all particulars, is yet a very valuable paper,
and should be carefully studied by all who wish to get
an insight into the nature and working of the fishery.

He called particular attention to the hne of banks
extending along the greater part of the Labrador
coast, and prophesied that they would become the
great fishing-ground of the future, — a prophesy which
has not yet been fulfilled, but from the experience of
vessels which have recently made trial of them, and
have been most successful, it is probable that they will
now begin to be regularly fished.

42 2 LABRADOR

Mr. Hinde reported that 400 vessels, carrying about
3200 men, had passed north of Cape Mugford that
season.

It had long been known that vessels going to Labra-
dor were systematically overloaded, and overcrowded
with passengers — men, women, and children. The
Labrador planters took with them not only their ser-
vants for the fishery, male and female, but also their
whole families, their goats, their pigs, their dogs, and
their fowls. Seventy to eighty persons were often
crowded into a little schooner of about forty tons.
There were no conveniences of any kind, and no
separation of the sexes. Decency was impossible, and
vice was flagrant. At length, in 1880, the late Hon. J.
J. Rogerson succeeded in getting a Commission of the
House of Assembly appointed to examine into the
matter, and to report. As a consequence an Act was
passed in 1881 to put a stop to the scandalous con-
dition of things. The clauses relating to Labrador are
as follows : —

Passenger Acconnnodation on Board Steamers and
Vessels.

6. Sailing vessels carrying females engaged as servants in
the fishery, or as passengers, between Newfoundland and
Labrador, shall be provided with such separate cabins or
apartments as will afford, at least, fifty cubic feet for each of
such females ; and the owners of such vessels shall provide
for such females sufficient accommodation for sanitary
purposes.

7. No more than one person for each registered ton shall
be carried in saiUng vessels proceeding to or returning from
Labrador.

8. The owners of such vessels shall provide sufficient boat
accommodation for at least one-third of the persons on board

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 423

such vessels carrying passengers between Newfoundland and
Labrador.

9. The Governor in Council may make rules and regula-
tions for effectually carrying out the provisions of sections six,
seven, and eight of this chapter, and alter and amend the
same from time to time, which rules and regulations, when
published in the Royal Gazette^ shall be construed to form
part of this chapter, and shall have the same effect in law as
if they had been specially incorporated herein,

10. For all violations of this chapter not hereinbefore
provided for there shall be imposed a penalty not exceeding
one hundred dollars for each offence, or in default of payment,
of imprisonment for a term not exceeding three months.

It is feared, however, that they are still often disre-
garded, and a more stringent enforcement of the Act is
very much required.

Betvv^een October 12th and 15th, 1885, terrific gales
swept over the Labrador coast, causing enormous de-
struction to the fishing fleet. Eighty schooners and 300
lives were lost, and 2000 people rendered destitute.
Steamers were sent at once to rescue the stranded
survivors, and a large sum of money subscribed for the
support of the widows and orphans of the ill-fated
fishermen who had lost their lives in this terrible disaster.

Since this period the Labrador fishery has proceeded
steadily, subject only to the vicissitudes to which all
fisheries are liable. There have been periods of scarcity,
and periods of plenty. An enormous expansion has
been induced by the high prices obtained for codfish
during the past three years. But the year 1908 appears
to mark a turning point, for the Labrador fishery has
been short, and the prices low.

But it is evident that a great expansion of the fisheries
is possible. Among the archipelagos that fringe its

424 LABRADOR

enormous coast-line there is room for many times the
number of fishermen that now go there. Also outside of
the coast usually fished there is an enormous untouched
fishing ground. From White Bear Islands to Cape
Chidley there extends a line of banks no doubt teeming
with cod. During the past three years a few adven-
turous banking schooners have gone to the Labrador, and
spread their trav/ls on the off-shore grounds. Their
success has been marvellous. Properly equipped and
properly supplied with bait, our schooners need never
want for a catch of codfish. Schooners have also done
remarkably well fishing with trawls along shore on
southern Labrador. Being an innovation, it is viewed
with great disfavour by trap fishermen.

The one great impediment in the way of an increased
Labrador fishery is the difficulty in marketing the fish.
The use of traps is now universal on the Labrador, and
the fish taken is generally small, and owing to the short-
ness of the season cannot be made into hard dry salt
fish. It does not keep well, and is all rushed off to
market together, with the result that the markets are
always glutted, and the returns small. The fish taken on
the Labrador banks is, however, of large size, and it
would seem a good plan to take it at once to some
northern Newfoundland outport, where it could be cured
in the same way as the fish caught on the Grand Banks.
Such fish is worth, on an average, two or three dollars
per quintal more than the ordinary Labrador fish, and
if it could be substituted, would add enormously to the
value of the fishery to the fishermen and to the country.

That most valuable fish, — the halibut, — also frequents
this off-shore fishing ground. American vessels travel
there, 1400 miles and back again, solely for this fish.
It seems possible that fast Newfoundland schooners may

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 425

make a splendid business of supplying fresh halibut to
the English markets from the Labrador banks. The
distance is 1600 miles.

It is a fish in great demand in England, where it sells
for 5d. per pound, green. It is brought principally from
Iceland.

The practice has arisen in recent years, for steamers to
be employed to convey fishermen to the various fishing
stations on the coast. Loud complaints have been made
against the use of steamers by those who have only their
schooners to take them down. They say the steamer
crews take all the best trap berths. Petitions have been
sent to the House of Assembly asking that a law be
passed forbidding the practice, and a bill to that effect
actually passed that House, but was thrown out by the
Legislative Council.

Such a retrograde piece of legislation is greatly to be
deprecated. The wheels of progress cannot be stayed,
and if the fishermen can get to their work quicker and
easier by steamer so much the better. If steamers are
to be forbidden, why not fast schooners ? and why not
make the schooners from Green Bay wait for those from
Conception Bay, so that all may be on the same footing ?
which is absurd, to use Euclid's time-honoured phrase.

It is impossible to find out the exact quantity of
codfish caught on the Labrador coast in any one season.
The exports from the coast direct to market average
nearly 300,000 quintals per annum ; but the quantity
brought back to Newfoundland is unknown. It varies
considerably, and is estimated in different years at from
150,000 to 350,000 quintals. The total catch by New-
foundland fishermen, therefore, ranges from 450,000 to
650,000 quintals.

During the period from 1860-80 the herring fishery

426 LABRADOR

was very important. The fish were larger and fatter
than any other known variety, and were marketed at
good prices in Canada and Western America. After
1880 this fishery rapidly declined, and in a few years
became a thing of the past. The herring entirely aban-
doned the coast. During the last two or three years
they have again been seen, but in quantities too small to
make them worth fishing.

The seal fishery, which was one of the principal induce-
ments to the first settlers on the coast, has long ceased
to be commercially pursued by residents on the coast.

The student of this history will, I think, be convinced
that Newfoundland must be and will be mistress in her
own waters, under the Crown of England, and that the
extrinsic and unnatural privileges granted to the citizens
of the United States, must be sooner or later abandoned.
There are even many precedents for their abrogation.^
We have seen how the great fishery once carried on by
New England vessels has been perforce abandoned, and
how the privilege is now of little value. The future of
the great fisheries of Newfoundland and Labrador
belongs to the fishermen of those countries. One by one
the contestants for a share in them have withdrawn. The
ship-fishers from England long ago abandoned the
struggle. By means of enormous bounties the French
managed to continue until 1904, when they gracefully
sold out, having then but little interest left to sell.

The analogy for our American cousins is complete,
and the deduction is plain.

Except for the fisheries it is difficult to see how and
why the population of Labrador should increase. The

^ An article in Nineteenth Centtiry Review for October, 1908, strongly
advises the abrogation of the Convention of 1818, and instances eight
different occasions when the United States have themselves abrogated
treaties which had become burdensome or out of date.

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 427

lumbering industry is no doubt capable of some expan-
sion. Enormous areas of wood suitable for paper pulp
are reported on the Grand River and Hamilton Inlet,
where there is unlimited water-power, and a great paper-
making industry will undoubtedly be established there
some day.

But the fur-bearing animals and the caribou, it is
said, will disappear with the forests, and with them the
Indians and trappers, so that the net increase will be
small.

Although Labrador abounds in iron, no workable
deposits have yet been made known.

The Grand Falls ^ of the Hamilton River are one of the
wonders of North America, and contain a stupendous
water-power, which perhaps some day may be used for
the generation of electricity.

But Labrador has little promise for the white settler,
and it is to the Eskimos that one would be inclined to
look for a population ; but, alas ! they also are dying out.
Except for those fortunate tribes which have been under
the fostering care of the Moravian Missionaries, the
Eskimo race has disappeared from Labrador, where at
one time there were doubtless many thousands. At the
Moravian settlements the population about holds its
own. Were it not for the epidemics which have been
criminally introduced there, they would have shown a
substantial increase. Let us trust that the legislation
needed to protect them may no longer be delayed, and
that this deeply interesting race may again flourish on
their native coasts.

It is somewhat astonishing to find that while the

^ Applications have recently been made to the Government for the right
to use this water-power.

428 LABRADOR

spiritual needs of the Eskimos in the far north had been
ministered to by the Moravian Brethren since 1771, and
the Montaignais Indians in the Gulf of St. Lawrence
had been converted to Christianity by the Recollet
Missionaries very soon after the French colonization
of Canada, and regularly visited by Roman Catholic
priests from Quebec, the unfortunate white settlers on
Labrador, the " liveyeres," remained long entirely neg-
lected. Probably it was not realized that there were
any inhabitants on that desolate coast.

The earliest record I have been able to find of
Missionary work on southern Labrador, states that the
Methodists, prior to 1829, had sent several Missionaries
to the coast, but were obliged to discontinue the work
in that year. The Moravian Brethren note in their
journal for 1825, that they had been visited by a Mr,
Cozens from Newfoundland, who had been into Hamil-
ton Inlet to convey a Methodist Missionary to reside
there. But he returned after a year or two, disgusted
at the unfruitfulness of his labours.

The next clergyman of any denomination to visit
Labrador, was Archdeacon Wix in 1831. The particu-
lars of his visitation cannot now be obtained, but it was
evidently a flying visit, as Bishop Feild could only hear
of him at Venison Islands.

In 1840, the Anglican Bishop of Quebec sent the
Rev. E. Cusack to visit the people residing in the Straits
of Belle Isle. In some places he was very badly received,
but in others was called upon to marry and baptize. A
Roman Catholic priest also travelled along the coast in
the following year, ministering to those who professed
that faith. Archbishop Howley, of Newfoundland, states
in his Ecclesiastical History that the Labrador coast was
attached to the Roman Catholic Episcopate of St. John's

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 429

in 1820, and was regularly visited by a priest from
St. John's.

But except at the Moravian settlements, there was
neither church nor school, nor priest nor teacher, located
in the whole length and breadth of Labrador,

When Bishop Feild was appointed to the Anglican
Bishopric of Newfoundland in 1845, it came as a surprise
to him to find that Labrador was also under his charge.
He wrote to England to find out if such were the case,
as Labrador was not mentioned in his commission.
But as it was a dependency of Newfoundland he decided
for himself in the affirmative, and at once began to plan
a visit to its shores. This he first accomplished in 1848.
He landed at Forteau, and the next day, Sunday, July
30th, held service in a large store which had been lent
for the purpose, to a congregation of about one hundred
and fifty persons, mostly men. From there he travelled
along the coast in the Church-ship Hawk, visiting all
the principal settlements as far north as Sandwich Bay.
The spiritual condition of the people was pitiable. In
very few houses was there any pretence at religion.
There were very few Bibles or Prayer-books, and fewer
still who could read them. Marriages had been per-
formed by the simple practice of attestation before
witnesses, and even that ceremony was often neglected.
Occasionally someone was found who could read, and
one marriage was considered well performed when the
Church of England marriage service was read by a
Roman Catholic fisherman from Newfoundland. The
children remained unbaptized, except when a reader
happened along who could master the Church of
England service provided for such instances. One
father was very proud of the way his children had
been baptized. When Bishop Feild asked the question^

430 LABRADOR

as the Prayer-book directs, " By whom was this child
baptized?" he replied, "By one Joseph Bird, and a
fine reader he wor ! "

Bishop Feild found about 1200 settlers professing
to belong to the Church of England, although very
kw of them had ever seen a clergyman. Dozens of
couples presented themselves to him to be married,
and literally hundreds of children were baptized. His
zealous Missionary spirit was fired, and he at once
determined that there should be churches and schools
and clergymen on Labrador.

On his return to St. John's he addressed a vigorous
letter of appeal to the " Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel," asking for a grant of ;^200 a year, with
which sum he purposed to start three missions at
Forteau, Battle Harbour, and Sandwich Bay. His
request was at once granted, and the money voted ; but
his next difficulty was to find " the men, the right men,
patient and laborious, content with small beginnings and
slow results." But his magnetic personality and over-
flowing zeal had the power of attracting to his assist-
ance many able men imbued with the true Missionary
spirit. The first to offer himself was the Rev. A.
Gifford, who went to Forteau in 1849, followed in 1850
by the Rev. H. P. Disney, to Francis Harbour. These
zealous clergymen soon had churches built at Forteau
and Francis Harbour. Also, in a few years, at Battle
Harbour, Seal Island, Spear Harbour, Henley Harbour,
and Camp Islands, churches or school-houses were
erected. The experiences, the labours, the privations
of these first Labrador Missionaries seem almost in-
supportable in our easier-going times. But men were
found willing to undergo them, and sixteen years later
Bishop Feild wrote with pride, that there were then five

THE BRITISH FISHERIES 431

churches on the Labrador, with active and able men
ministering in them to a people who, a few years before,
had been without religious instruction of any kind.

The Church of England has ever since maintained
the Missions thus started by Bishop Feild. Nor have
the other Churches been negligent.

By the last census, 1901, the population of Labrador
is stated to be 3947, divided as follows : — Church of
England, 1538; Roman Catholic, 332 ; Methodist, 638 ;
and Moravians, 1377. There were 5 Church of England
churches, 3 Roman Catholic, 4 Methodist, and 17 schools.

The population showed a decrease from 1891 of 159,
but the census was notoriously very badly taken, and the
figures can only be considered approximately correct.

In 1 90 1 the Rev. S. M. Stewart offered himself to the
Bishop of Newfoundland for service in the diocese, and
asked particularly to be allowed to go to the heathen
Eskimos in Ungava. It has been told how the Mora-
vians contemplated opening a mission there nearly a
hundred years ago, as well as their reason for not
undertaking it. For a hundred years longer the tribes
inhabitating Hudson's Straits had been neglected, and
no hand had been stretched out to help them. The
inspiration which had moved Christian Erhardt and
Jens Haven prompted Mr. Stewart to go to their assist-
ance. The result of his eight years' work has been
most encouraging. He is satisfied that even in this
short time many have become real Christians, showing
their faith by their amended lives. He has also been
the means of causing the supply of liquor to the
Eskimos at the trading stations in Hudson's Straits to
be stopped.

CHAPTER XVII

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA

URISDICTION over Labrador has been transferred
from Canada to Newfoundland and back again,
several times over.

While these changes have been noted in regular
course during the progress of this history, it is thought
important to deal with the whole matter at one time
and in one chapter ; more particularly at this time,
when the subject has assumed considerable importance
owing to the dispute between Newfoundland and the
Province of Quebec, as to the exact boundaries of their
respective portions of Labrador.

This does not pretend to be a judicial view of the
question, but deals with it entirely from the New-
foundland standpoint ; the arguments of the other
side being entirely unknown and unimaginable by the
writer.

The question might have remained in abeyance for
many years to come, had it not been for the inception of
a Lumbering enterprise on a considerable scale on the
upper reaches of Hamilton Inlet.

The Government of Newfoundland issued licences to
this company to cut timber, exacted Customs dues, and
otherwise exercised lordship over the land.

The Province of Quebec, however, by virtue of an
Act passed by that Province in 1898, appropriated all

432

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 433

the southern side of Hamilton Inlet, "until it meets with
the boundary of the territory of Newfoundland " ; but
why they contented themselves with the southern side
only is not easy to understand. As the aforesaid
Lumber Company had cut some logs on that side of
the river, the Government of Quebec made a technical
seizure of the logs in order to bring the matter to an
issue, and the case is shortly to be heard before the
Privy Council.

While Labrador may have been claimed by England
by right of discovery, it does not appear that such claim
was ever enforced ; and up to the latter part of the
seventeenth century the country was practically a no-
man's land.

We have heard how the Hudson Bay Company in
1670 obtained its marvellous charter from Charles H.
At about the same period the southern coast was regu-
larly visited by French fishermen, which indeed they
had probably done continually since Jacques Cartier's
time. In the early part of the eighteenth century, the
French Government of New France granted seignorial
rights over considerable tracts of the Labrador coast
bordering the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Straits of Belle
Isle. The north and south parts of the country were
thus appropriated by England and France respectively,
and by the Treaty of Utrecht, 17 13, it was agreed to
divide the intervening coast. A Commission was
appointed to make the division, respecting the claims
of the Hudson Bay Company on the one hand, and
the French seignories on the other. Although this
Commission met, no decision was arrived at, and the
country remained undivided. Finally, by the conquest
of Canada in 1760, all Labrador fell into the hands
of England, and her possession thereof was confirmed
2 F

434 LABRADOR

by the Treaty of Paris, 1763. The Hudson Bay
Company possessed all that portion of the peninsula
of Labrador drained by rivers which fall into Hudson's
Bay or Straits, and it became necessary to divide the
rest of the country. By the Proclamation enforcing
the Treaty of Paris, the boundaries of the newly-
acquired provinces of Canada were defined. The
province of Quebec was " bounded on the Labrador
coast by the River St. John, and from thence by a
line drawn from the head of that river, etc.," running
west.

The Proclamation continues : —

" And to the end that the open and free fishing
of our subjects may be extended to and carried
on upon the coast of Labrador and the adjacent
Islands, we have seen fit, with the advice of our
said Privy Council, to put all that coast from the
River St. John to Hudson's Straits, together with
the Islands of Anticosti and Magdalene, and all
smaller islands lying upon the said coast, under the
care and inspection of our Governor of Newfound-
land."

It can hardly be contended that it was the intention
of the Crown to leave the interior of the country, not
included in the Hudson Bay Company's charter, un-
appropriated and under no jurisdiction. And, in fact,
a line drawn from the head of the St. John River to
the entrance of Hudson's Strait, (although it will be
noticed that the entrance was not then specified,) will
include nearly the whole interior not granted to the
Hudson Bay Company.

The Commission of Sir Thomas Graves, Governor
of Newfoundland, April 25th, 1763, is substantial

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 435

proof that the whole residue was intended. It
reads : —

" And we do hereby require and command all officers,
Civil and Military, and all other inhabitants of our said
Islands and the Coasts and Territories of Labrador
and the Islands adjacent thereto or dependent thereon
within the limits aforesaid, to be obedient, aiding
and assisting you in the execution of this our Com-
mission."

The fishermen and the Eskimos upon the coasts,
together with every band of Nascopee or Montagnais
Indians that roamed the remotest fastnesses of Labra-
dor, were thus called upon to obey the Governor of
Newfoundland.

In 1767 Sir Hugh Palliser, then Governor of New-
foundland, in a proclamation, says : " All inhabi-
tants, settlements and possessions upon this coast
of Labrador between the limits of the Government
of Quebec ajtd the limits of the Hudson Bay Company"
which clearly shows that he claimed jurisdiction over
the whole residue of the peninsula ; that is to say,
the whole basin of the rivers which empty into the
Atlantic, and into the Gulf of St. Lawrence, from
the entrance of Hudson's Straits to the River St.
John.

Sir Hugh Palliser endeavoured to carry out upon
the Labrador the same plan of a free fishery which
was in force in Newfoundland. By a " free fishery "
was meant that no vested rights were allowed in any
portion of the coast, or in any stages, flakes, etc., the
design being to prevent permanent settlements, and
to preserve the fishery for vessels coming out from
England every season.

436 LABRADOR

Reeves, in his History of Newfoundland, rather
quaintly says : —

" But their claims to a free fishery seem to be these :
namely, to be free of all inspection from Government ;
no justice, no courts, no custom house."

On the Labrador coast, however, there were certain
settlers, thirteen in number, who claimed property in
fishing posts and settlements under grants from the
French Governors of Quebec. These people resisted
Palliser's ordinances, and took an action against him
which was heard in Westminster Hall. The Board
of Trade, in a memorial, June 24th, 1772, recommended
to His Majesty that Labrador should be re-annexed
to the Government of Quebec. They gave the follow-
ing reasons : First, that the fishery on the Labrador
was principally a seal fishery, which was sedentary,
and consequently the rules for a " free fishery " which
had been framed more especially for the cod and whale
fisheries were not suitable there ; and second, that a
large part of the coast was held under grants from
the French Governors, which His Majesty by treaty
was bound to respect.

Under the encouragement of Palliser's fishery regu-
lations on the Labrador, a considerable number of
merchant adventurers, as they styled themselves, had
come regularly from Britain, and in a memorial to
Palliser in 1767, they thanked him for his protection,
and declared themselves determined " to pursue the
ship fishery with spirit on that coast," and it was pro-
bably owing to opposition from this direction that the
recommendation of the Board of Trade was not acted
upon until 1774.

In that year the famous "Quebec Act" was passed.

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 437

By it " all such territories, islands, and countries, which
have since the loth February, 1763, been made part of
the Government of Newfoundland," were annexed to
the province of Quebec.

It will be observed that the " Coast of Labrador "
mentioned in the proclamation of 1763, had in this
Act, 1774, become "territories, islands, and countries,"
which alone is proof that no mere strip of coast was
intended in the first instance. The debates which took
place in the House of Commons on the " Quebec Act "
are of great historical interest. There were no authorized
reports of debates at that time, and severe punishment
was visited upon any persons who ventured to make
public anything more than the barest outline of what
transpired there. But it happened that among the
members of the House of Commons at that time was
an expert shorthand writer. Sir Henry Cavendish,
member for Lostwithiel, who, solely for his own use,
took very full notes of the proceedings of the House
from 1768 to 1774.

Like Pepys Diary, these shorthand notes remained
hidden for many years, but were finally discovered
among the Egerton manuscripts in the British Museum.
They were easily deciphered, and were printed in book
form in 1839.

Among those who took particular interest in the
paragraph dealing with Labrador, were Captain Phipps
and Admiral Sir Charles Saunders of the Royal Navy,
Mr. George Prescott of the Board of Trade, Lord North,
the Solicitor-General, and Edmund Burke.

The point principally debated was whether the seal
fishery carried on by the residents of the shore was
interfered with by the cod fishermen who came out
every spring from England. Very hazy ideas were

438 LABRADOR

entertained on the subject, but it was made out that
the seal fishery required a great deal of nicety and
care, and that the seals were very easily frightened off.
But, as we have seen, the real trouble was that the
terms of Palliser's Act could not be made to harmonize
with the seigniorial rights granted on the coast.

A great deal was said, particularly by Captain Phipps
and Sir Charles Saunders, on the importance of the
cod fishery as a nursery for British seamen. The
remarks of the latter were particularly strong. " Sir,"
said he, " the fishery is worth more to you than all
the possessions you have put together. Without the
fishery your possessions are not safe ; nor are you safe
in your own country. Instead of doing anything to hurt
your fishery new methods should be taken to rear more
seamen."

No faith was placed in the loyalty of the new colony
of Quebec, and it was thought that the cod fishery on
the Labrador coast as carried on from England would
be seriously jeopardized if placed under their control.

Sir Charles Saunders pointed out that it would be
impossible to go to Quebec to have disputes settled, as
" the loss of time and expense would ruin any fishery,
whereas the Governor of Newfoundland could settle
them in half an hour," — a statement which passed
without contradiction.

Edmund Burke, who had fought other clauses of the
Act on behalf of the colonists of Nev/ York as against
the Canadians, on the respective boundaries of the two
colonies, objected to the introduction of the fishery
questions, which he thought should be dealt with in a
separate Bill, when the requirements of the sedentary
and transitory fisheries would be legitimate objects of
enquiry.

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 439

The Solicitor-General, who followed, made use of
these words : —

"It is extremely difficult upon such a point as this
to contend against the authority of the honourable
gentleman, (Sir Charles Saunders, Admiral in command
of the fleet at the taking of Quebec,) to whom it may
perhaps be very truly said, that this country owes
all the fisheries it has upon the coast of Newfoundland."

He suggested a clause which was intended to
preserve to the Government of Newfoundland the
supervision of the cod fishery on the coast of Labrador,
but it was not put to the House, and the original clause
was carried by 89 votes to 48.

In the House of Lords the bill met with the
opposition of the great Earl of Chatham, who, though
extremely ill, came to the House of Lords to speak
against it. He prophesied " that it would shake the
affections and confidence of His Majesty's subjects in
England and Ireland, and finally lose him the hearts of
all Americans."

The King, in giving consent to the bill, observed that
" it was founded on the clearest principles of justice and
humanity, and would, he doubted not, have the best
effect in quieting the mind and promoting the happi-
ness of our Canadian subjects."

It was said of this Act that "it not only offended
the inhabitants of the province itself in a degree that
could hardly be conceived, but had alarmed all the
English provinces in America, and contributed more
perhaps than any other measure to drive them into
rebellion against their Sovereign."

The clause dealing with the Labrador was of course
but a very unimportant part of the Act.

446 LABRADOR

Although this transfer was made, it does not appear
that the province of Quebec ever exercised any juris-
diction on the debated coast. On the contrary, the
Governors of Newfoundland, who were also the com-
manders of the fleet in those waters, continued to
do so.

The best English atlases of the period continued to
state that Labrador was a dependency of Newfound-
land,

In the course of years it was found that the Labrador
fishery was carried on almost entirely by Newfoundland
or West-country fishermen, and that it was very much
more convenient for the Government of that territory to
be exercised from Newfoundland than from Quebec.

Great numbers of American fishing vessels also visited
the coast every season, and a great deal of smuggling
was carried on and many lawless acts committed.

In the chapter dealing with the " Americans on the
Labrador" will be found Governor Holloway's letter,
written in 1807, describing the condition of affairs, and
strongly recommending that Labrador be again trans-
ferred to Newfoundland. His advice was taken, and in
1809 an Act was passed, entitled "An Act for Establish-
ing Courts of Judicature, etc.", which recited the pro-
clamation of 1763, and the Quebec Act of 1774, and
declared that " such parts of the said coasts of Labrador
from the River St. John to ' Hudson's Straits ' " (not
entrance to) and the islands on said coast, including
Anticosti and excepting the Magdalen Islands, as were
annexed to Canada in 1774, should be re-annexed to
the Government of Newfoundland,

This state of affairs continued until 1825, when
another change was made. It was found necessary to
extinguish all feudal and seigniorial rights in Lower

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 441

Canada, and to convert the same into the tenure of
free and common soccage. An Act was therefore
introduced into the Imperial ParHament to accomplish
this (6 Geo. IV, cap. 59). But in addition to the
seigniorial rights in Canada, there were also the seign-
iorial rights on Labrador. After the passing of the
Judicature Act, 1809, Governor Holloway wrote to the
Governor of Lower Canada, Sir J. H. Craig, asking
him " to assure the possessors of those grants that
they will not be interrupted in the quiet enjoyment
of them." Now it was decided to convert all seign-
iorial grants as above described, and apparently it
was considered necessary to transfer that portion of
the Labrador where these grants existed to Lower
Canada, in order that they might be included in the
conversion decided upon. The Chamber of Commerce,
St. John's, protested loudly against any partition of
Labrador, but in spite of their protests (see Appendix),
this Act declared that " so much of the said coast as
lies to the westward of a line to be drawn due north
and south from the bay or harbour of Anse Sablon
inclusive, as far as the 52nd degree of north latitude
with the island of Anticosti, are re-annexed to the
province of Lower Canada."

This means that a section of the coast from Blanc
Sablon to the 52nd parallel, and along that parallel to
the River St. John, was taken from Newfoundland and
given to Lower Canada, being practically the basin of
all rivers falling into the Gulf of St. Lawrence. That
such was clearly understood by the province of Lower
Canada at that time is proven by the accompanying
" Figurative Plan," drawn by Wm. Sax, Provincial Land
Surveyor, and submitted to the House of Assembly
of Lower Canada in 1829.

442 LABRADOR

The peninsula of Labrador was thus divided roughly
as follows : —

The basin of the rivers falling into Hudson's Bay
and Hudson's Straits belong to the Hudson Bay
Coinpany ; the basin of rivers falling into the Gulf
of St. Lawrence to the province of Lower Canada ; and
the remainder of the peninsula, the basin of rivers fall-
ing into the Atlantic, to the colony of Newfoundland.

In 1 87 1 the rights of the Hudson Bay Company
were purchased by Canada.

Now it was very evident that if the country to the
south of the 52nd parallel was taken from Newfound-
land and given to Canada, the country to the north of
that line must still remain vested with Newfoundland.
And it is this very tract of country which is now claimed
by the province of Quebec.

A letter will be found in the Appendix to this chapter,
from Captain Wm, Martin, written in 1821, from which it
will be seen that he was sent by Sir Charles Hamilton,
the Governor of Newfoundland, to the head waters of
Hamilton Inlet ; that he ascended the river for ninety
miles, and reported upon the condition of the Indians
and settlers there ; thus indicating Sir Charles Hamil-
ton's view of the scope of his jurisdiction.

In 1826 the Labrador Court was instituted, and was
continued until 1834. Regular visits were made to
Rigolet and to some other point on Hamilton Inlet,
probably North-West River, every year.

A case that was settled by this Court in 1828, has a
very important bearing on the boundary question. A
dispute had arisen as to the right to the salmon fishery
in the Kinnamish River, falling into Hamilton Inlet on
the south side, about opposite to North-West River.
The Court visited the river and duly adjudicated upon

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 443

the case, thus clearly establishing Newfoundland's
jurisdiction over the very territory now claimed by
Quebec.

This "peripatetic" Court was discontinued because
of the heavy cost and lack of business. The Sheriff of
this Court also collected duties.

In 1840 Mr. Elias Rendell was sent to collect duties
upon the Labrador, and went a considerable distance
into Hamilton's Inlet.

In 1856, it was proposed to institute again the Labra-
dor Court and the collection of revenue, but the cost
was considered to be too great.

In the minutes of evidence taken before the Select
Committee of the House of Commons on the Hudson
Bay Company, in 1857, we find the following important
evidence. A letter had been put in, stating that in the
neighbourhood of Fort Nascopie, " the Nascopie Indians
had been dying from starvation in great numbers ;
whole camps of them were found dead, without one
survivor to tell the tale of their sufferings ; others sus-
tained life in a way the most revolting, by using as food
the dead bodies of their companions ; some even bled
their own children to death and sustained life with
their bodies." One reason offered for this terrible con-
dition of affairs was that the Hudson Bay Company's
factor had not supplied them with enough ammunition.
Sir Geo. Simpson, the Governor of the Hudson Bay
Company's territories, was giving evidence, and was
closely questioned as to this circumstance. The
following is the minute of evidence : —

Q. " In your thirty-seven years' experience in that
territory you have never heard of any transactions like
that, or deaths like that?" A. "Never, except in Mr,
Kennedy's letter ! "

444 LABRADOR

Q. "Not in your own experience?" A. "Certainly
not."

Q. "In what part of the country is that ? " A." Upon
the Labrador coast."

Q. " Then you do not believe in that statement ? "
A. " I do not."

Q. "Where is Fort Nascopie?" A. "It is on the
Labrador coast."

Q. That is in Canada, is it not?" A. " It is in (be-
longs to) Newfoundland."

Q. " So that the northern peninsula does not belong to
the Hudson Bay Company?" A. " The whole does not."

Q. " But is that Fort which Mr. Roebuck is ques-
tioning you about in Labrador, or is it in Rupert's
Land ? " ^. '' It is in Labrador."

Further on, the following question was asked : —

Q. " Is there any arrangement with the Government
of Labrador, by which you use the territory for your
purposes?" A. " It is open for anybody."

Q. " In truth, is it practically unoccupied ? "
A. "Yes."

Fort Nascopie was situated right at the head waters
of Hamilton River, about 54° north and 65° west, and
400 miles from the coast.

This enquiry was held at the instigation of Canada,
which wished to limit the powers and jurisdiction of
the Hudson Bay Company. Every point of the
evidence was jealously investigated by Chief Justice
Draper, in Canada's behalf. That this statement of
Sir Geo. Simpson passed unquestioned by him, and
was accepted by the Committee of the House of Com-
mons, will, I think, be regarded as conclusive evidence
as to the acknowledged jurisdiction of Newfoundland in
Labrador at that time. It will be noticed that Sir

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 445

Geo. Simpson said that Fort Nascopie was on the
Labrador coast — ^00 miles inland !

The Revenue Act for 1863 made regulations for the
collection of duties at Labrador, and a special Act was
passed at the same time, providing for the collection of
such duties, and also again instituting a Court of Civil
and Criminal Jurisdiction of the Coast. The Act was
immediately enforced. A notable instance occurred in
1864, when Mr. D. A. Smith, (now Lord Strathcona),
agent for the Hudson Bay Company at North-West
River, about one hundred and forty miles from the
mouth of Hamilton Inlet, paid the full amount of
the duties required, saying that it was not the intention
of the company to present any opposition to the
payment of duties, the Act permitting the levying of
duties having received the Royal Assent.

In 1873-4 small-pox was very prevalent in Canada,
and the Hudson Bay Company feared it would be intro-
duced among the Mountaineer Indians in Labrador.
They therefore requested the Newfoundland Govern-
ment to send a physician to vaccinate them. Dr. Crowdy
was accordingly sent in 1874 to North-West River, where
he vaccinated over three hundred Indians, all inhabitants
of the interior.

These instances are quite sufficient to prove that
Newfoundland has always exercised jurisdiction over
the disputed inland territory.

The Commission of Sir Thomas Greaves in 1763, the
proclamation of Sir Hugh Palliser in 1767, and the
Quebec Act 1774, are all proof that the coast carried
with it the territory at the back of the same. It has
also been pointed out that in the very first delimitation,
by the proclamation of 1763, the boundary of the
province of Quebec " on the Labrador coast',' is the

446 LABRADOR

head of the St. John River, which is about one hundred
miles inland, and according to maps of that period was
then considered to be much farther.

The use of the term " river basin " in this account of
the changes which have been made in the exercise of
Government over the Labrador, while it has not been
used in any official papers, seems particularly applicable.
Having begun by giving certain seas, rivers, etc., and
the adjoining countries to the Hudson Bay Company,
the same idea seems to have influenced the division
made in 1763, 1774, 1809, and 1825. The territory
bounded on the north by the 52° parallel between
Blanc Sablon and the River St. John, is approximately
the country drained by all rivers falling into the Gulf
of St. Lawrence.

The boundary line between Newfoundland and
Canadian territories on the Labrador seems therefore
to be roughly as follows : —

Starting from the most northern of the Button
Islands at the entrance to Hudson's Strait, about 60° 50"
N., 60° 40" W., it runs almost due south until it reaches
the 50° parallel of north latitude, then westerly to
about 6f W., then in a south-easterly direction along
the head waters of the Attikonak River to the 52°
parallel, then due east along that parallel until it reaches
a line to be drawn north and south of Blanc Sablon,
then south to Blanc Sablon.

That Newfoundland is the proper country to have
jurisdiction over Labrador, seems hardly to need
arguing.

The fisheries must ever be the chief consideration in
that barren land, and it is Newfoundland that will con-
tinue to send forth the army of fishermen to populate
the coasts for the short summer season. It is at the

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 447

fishing establishments on the coasts that permanent
inhabitants will be found, and from these fishing
establishments, as a nucleus, will branch out any
further development of the country which may be
possible. The lumber companies on Hamilton Inlet
probably have a prosperous future before them for
many years, but lumbering cannot become an im-
portant industry on the Labrador. No minerals of
commercial value have yet been found on Labrador.
Presuming that they are found, and large mines
developed, presuming that the lumber industry is
maintained or even increased, presuming that the
wealth of furs continues to be drawn from the interior
of Labrador, it is to the Atlantic coast that all must
be brought for shipment, and it is from the Atlantic
coast that all supplies must be taken. The lord of
the sea-board must be the lord of the hinterland
properly pertaining to it. A divided authority would
occasion numberless disputes and produce a very un-
comfortable condition of affairs.

By force of law, custom, and logic, Newfoundland
claims Labrador from Blanc Sablon to the northern-
most of the Button Islands, and all the country drained
by rivers falling into the sea on that part of the coast.

APPENDICES TO CHAPTER XVII

" His Majesty's Brig ' Clinker,'

" IvERTOKE Inlet, 2^th July, 1821.
"Sir,

" I arrived in the entrance of this Inlet the 12th instant,
having but hght and variable winds from our leaving St. John's ;
passage extremely difficult from the quantity of ice on the
coast ; had we not run inside the islands from Spotted Island
to Ivertoke, we could not have proceeded, as we skirted along
thirty miles of field ice, and I found, after anchoring at Grady
Harbour, one of the islands at the entrance of the Inlet
farther to the northward, navigation yet unopened. From the
13th to 23rd I have been employed in ascertaining the extent
and source of this Inlet. I run up in the brig 140 miles from
N.N.W. to W. & S., distance across from three to twenty
miles in widest part ; thence I proceed in a shallop (which a
Canadian merchant kindly offered to accompany us) with
canoes to the source, where we arrived at a grand waterfall or
rapids, one backing the other ninety feet high. I have had
communications with the Red Indians. At first they hid
themselves from us. After a httle coaxing, and, as far as we
were able, gave them to understand we came to assist them,
they became in a short time familiar. Next day I prevailed
on them to come on board ; seven canoes of them visited us.
I regaled them with plenty of beef, pudding, and grog. Three
accompanied us up the river fifty miles from the brig. The
Canadians have extensive establishments in the salmon fishery,
but their principal gain is the fur trade with the Red Indians.
The fishing (cod) establishments up the river for forty miles

448

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 449

are numerous, principally Americans for the season. I am
now at anchor in a place called the Narrows. I expect to be
enabled to proceed for Port Manvers about the ist August.
This goes by shallop to Sandwich Bay for the first conveyance.
I have the honour to be, sir,

" Your most obedient, humble servant,

" (Signed) Wm. Martin.

"To Sir Charles Hamilton, Bart.,
" Commander-in-Chief, etc."

COURT OF LABRADOR.

1. The Court of civil and criminal jurisdiction at I^abrador
shall be a Court of record called the Court of Labrador, and
shall be presided over by one Judge, appointed or to be
appointed by the Governor in Council ; and shall, over all
such parts of Labrador as lie within the Government of
Newfoundland, have jurisdiction, power and authority, to hear
and finally determine all criminal prosecutions for assaults
and batteries, and for larcenies without force to the person,
committed within the limits aforesaid, and all actions and
suits of a civil nature, wherein the debt damage or thing
demanded shall not exceed in amount or value five hundred
dollars.

2. The proceedings of the said Court shall be summary; a
record of such proceedings shall be kept and signed by the
Judge thereof; and the forms of process and other proceedings
in civil cases shall be as set out in the schedule to this chapter
annexed, and in criminal matters shall be those used in
summary proceedings of a like character by Justices of the
Peace in this island.

3. The salary of the Judge of such Court shall not exceed
eleven hundred and fifty-four dollars ; and there shall be such
officers of the said Court as the Governor in Council shall
appoint ; and the salaries of such officers shall be fixed by the
Legislature.

2 G

450 LABRADOR

4. Any person against whom any judgment or order of the
said Court may be given in any matter over two hundred
dollars, or where the matter in dispute shall relate to the title
of any lands or fishery, or where the right in future may
abound, may within two days of such judgment or order
appeal therefrom to the Supreme Court, giving one day's
notice to the opposite party of such intended appeal ; and
upon such appellant, within seven days, giving security to the
satisfaction of the Judge, for the speedy prosecution of such
appeal for the performance of the judgment of the Court of
Labrador, should the same be affirmed or the appeal dismissed,
and in such last mentioned cases also for the payment of the
costs of such appeal, execution shall be stayed upon the
judgment of the Court below : Provided that such Judge may,
upon reasonable grounds, extend the time for such appeal, and
when he shall think it necessary, reserve any question of law
arising in any case before him for the consideration of the
Supreme Court, suspending his judgment in the meanwhile
until such question shall have been determined.

5. When an appeal shall have been allowed in m.anner
aforesaid, a copy of all proceedings in the Court below,
authenticated under the hand and seal of the Judge thereof
and of any other officer, if any such, who may be appointed
for that purpose, shall be transmitted by such Judge to the
Registrar of the Supreme Court at St. John's ; and after ad-
judication the Supreme Court shall carry such adjudication
into effect by its own process, or direct that the same be
carried into effect by the Court below,

6. The Judge of the said Court shall be, ex officio, a Justice
of the Peace for the Island of Newfoundland and its depend-
encies, with the like power and authority as any Stipendiary
Magistrate or Justice of Peace lawfully appointed in New-
foundland.

7. Criminal offenders sentenced by the said Court to im-
prisonment, and debtors arrested under final process may be
confined in any place of security within the limits aforesaid

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 451

the said Judge may direct, or may be conveyed to any gaol
in Newfoundland, there to remain until removed or discharged
in due course of law,

8. The provisions of the law of attachment in this Colony,
as defined by the practice and mode of procedure in the
Supreme Court, shall be applied to and used in the said Court
of Labrador, so far as may be applicable : Provided that an
attachment may issue for any amount exceeding ten dollars.

To the Right Honorable Earl Bathiwst, K. G., His
Majesty s Principal Secretary of State for the Colonial
Department, etc.

THE MEMORIAL OF THE CHAMBER OF COM-
MERCE, SAINT JOHN'S, NEWFOUNDLAND

Humbly Sheweth

That Your Lordship's MemoriaUsts having observed by
the public Newspapers that leave has been granted to bring a
Bill into Parliament to annex part of the Coast of Labrador
to the Government of Canada, and not knowing how much
of the said Coast it may be intended to comprehend in such
Bill, beg leave to state to Your Lordship the very great im-
portance of these Fisheries of continuing under the Govern-
ment of Newfoundland all such parts of that Coast as are
resorted to from thence.

That between Sixty and Seventy Vessels are annually fitted
out for the Port of Saint John's alone, and nearly two hun-
dred from Conception Bay, employing together nearly Five
thousand men in the Labrador Fishery, besides which others
proceed thither from other parts of the Island, and that of
late years the Bank Fishery having been less productive than
formerly the Vessels employed therein are for the most part
sent to the Labrador in the summer season.

That since the cession to France of the North part of this
Island (usually denominated the French Shore) nearly all the

452 LABRADOR

Vessels employed in the Seal Fishery are afterwards sent to
the Labrador, and that the Seal Fishery has lately assumed a
degree of importance which entitles it to the highest con-
sideration, having this Spring yielded employment to Five
Thousand men at a Season which the Climate would afford
them no other means of Support.

That the Fishery at Labrador commences at a later period
of the Season than on the shores of this Island now occupied
by the British, and affords time for the Seal Fishery to be
fully compleated, as that to the French Shore formerly did, and
that the Labrador and Seal Fisheries are thereby well adapted
to each other ; and that moreover the vessels that are
necessary for the Seal Fishery would now be absolutely use-
less in any other branch of the Cod Fishery than that to
Labrador, and so remain unemployed except during the con-
tinuance of the Seal Fishery, which is but two months in the
Year, and for the single use of which their Owners could not
afford to keep them. Whence it will appear to Your Lordship
that every impediment to the Labrador Fishery hath a direct
tendency to reduce the Seal Fishery.

That the whole business of supplying these Fisheries is
involved in a course of settlement to be made in the Fall of
the Year, the supplies being advanced in the Spring by the
Merchants to the Fishermen on credit, and for the most part
entirely on the faith of the voyage ; that it would therefore be
absolutely impossible to continue this Fishery in any place
beyond the reach of our Supreme Court of Judicature ; which
has moreover by a long course of decisions become the
depositary of all its custom_s and usages ; and that the several
laws made for the protection of the Fisheries, being engrafted
on those customs and usages, are, and only can be, applied or
properly understood within the Government of Newfoundland.

That the annexation to Canada of any part of the Coast of
Labrador usually resorted to from hence would oppose such
difficulties to the Settlement of Accounts as necessarily to
lessen the confidence and ultimately destroy the credit upon

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH CANADA 453

which the Fisheries are carried on and without which they
could not subsist, and that this evil could not be remedied,
even by the establishment of Courts of Judicature on that
Coast, because the greater number of causes should originate
in the Courts here where the transactions have taken place
and because the Appeal from Labrador Courts, it is appre-
hended, would after such annexation lie to Quebec, whither it
would be equally impossible for Plaintiff or Defendant to
repair.

That every event of a Criminal Prosecution would also be
attended not only with great inconvenience but with absolute
ruin to many individuals should they be carried from their
Fisheries on the Labrador to Quebec for the purpose of
giving evidence on such prosecutions ; whereas they always
return here in the regular course of their business at that
Season of the Year in which it is usual for our Supreme
Court to hold its sittings of Oyer and Terminer.

Your Lordship's Memorialists therefore humbly pray that
the Coast of Labrador may be continued under the Govern-
ment of Newfoundland as settled by the Act 49 Geo. 3.
cap. 27.

And your Memorialists will ever pray.

JAMES CROSS,

President of the ChaiJibej' of Commerce
of St. fohii's, Neivfotindland.
St. John's, Newfoundland,
May 20TH, 1825.

CHAPTER XVIII
DR. WILFRED GRENFELL, C.M.G.

THE last chapter in this book is naturally devoted
to Dr. Grenfell and his great philanthropic work
among the fishermen and settlers of Labrador.

In 1 89 1 Sir Francis Hopwood, Secretary of the
Board of Trade, (now Under Secretary of State for
the Colonies), visited St. John's on business connected
with his office. While staying at Government House,
the late Sir Terence O'Brien, then Governor of the
Colony, drew his attention to the great fleet of fishing
v^essels and the enormous transient population visiting
the coast of Labrador every summer. Sir Francis was
a Director of the Mission to Deep Sea Fishermen,
which had been carrying on, and still continues, such
a noble work among the fishermen in the North Sea.
The probability that the fishing population of Labrador
were equally in need of the services of the Mission was
at once apparent to him ; and when he returned to
England he brought the matter to the notice of that
Society, with the result that in the following year
Dr. Grenfell, in the Mission ship Albert, was sent out
to investigate this new field of labour.

The Albert arrived in St. John's on July 9th, 1892,
the day after the great fire which destroyed two-thirds
of the city, and left 15,000 people homeless.

Proceeding shortly on his destined voyage, Dr.
454

DR. WILFRED GREN'FELL^ C:M.G.

Facing p. 454

DR. WILFRED GRENFELL, C.M.G. 455

Grenfell found the population, both resident and tran-
sient, of the long, dreary Labrador coast, in greater
need of help than the homeless thousands of St. John's.
But their condition was not the result of any sudden
catastrophe. Long years of isolation, privation,
ignorance, and neglect had reduced the residents of
the country to the depths of poverty and misery, and
the floating population was in but little better case.

The origin of the " liveyeres," as the residents are
called, has been already given. These poor people
become extraordinarily attached to their homes, un-
attractive as they may appear to inhabitants of more
favoured portions of the globe. It has often been
suggested that the best method of settling their
problem would be to take them all off the coast
and place them where they could earn a livelihood,
and be in touch with civilization. But it is not at
all easy to induce them to leave. Dr. Grenfell has
known many instances of families who, as a result
of a lucky fishery or a good year's trapping, have
been able to leave for Canada or the United States,
but after a year or two's experience have returned
to their former homes. After a life spent in the
freedom of Labrador's rugged wastes, the crowded
abodes of civilization were unendurable.

While some families contrive to maintain them-
selves in a rough plenty, the greater number are
always in the depths of poverty. The margin be-
tween these two conditions is slight and easily broken
down. An accident or illness, a bad fishery, or an
unsuccessful furring season, plunges an independent
family into direst poverty, from which they cannot
extricate themselves unaided. Only last summer
Dr. Grenfell found a family living on an island in

4S6 LABRADOR

Hamilton Inlet in an absolutely destitute condition.
The mother was of Scotch descent, the father a half-
breed Eskimo, and there were five or six children.
They were half clad and had no provisions ; they
had neither gun, nor axe, nor fishing gear ; yet the
children seemed to be in fairly good condition, " What
do you have to eat ? " asked Grenfeli of one of the
children, and received the unexpected and laconic
reply, " Berries, zur." It is in such cases as this that
Grenfeli acts the part of Providence. Several of the
children were taken to the head-quarters of the
Mission at St. Anthony, and the family helped to
make another start in life. Without his assistance they
would certainly have starved. This case may almost
be said to be typical. Time and again some late-
returning fishing schooner has reported that the people
of such and such a settlement were without food for
the winter, and the Government of Newfoundland has
had to despatch a steamer with the necessary supplies.
Cases of starvation have been recorded, and indeed
deaths from chronic privation must have been common
enough.

These settlers are so few in number and live so far
apart, that they can afford each other but little mutual
support. It is, however, a beautiful trait in their
characters that they are always ready to share their
scanty supplies with anyone who is worse off.

The medical needs of this population were formerly
supplied by a doctor who travelled up and down the
coast on the mail steamer, making fortnightly trips
during the summer months. This was naturally very
ineffectual, and if people got seriously ill they just
died.

When accidents occurred,